Year: 2016

A look back at ‘Apa Itu Activist?’

aiaAWARE played a key role in organising and sponsoring the second Apa Itu Activist? A Civil Society Forum for Action and Advocacy, which took place on 20 August at Singapore Management University, our venue sponsor. The forum brought together diverse members of civil society to discuss strategies for social change.

Over a day of interactive workshops, plenaries and dialogue sessions, over 250 attendees discussed a range of topics, from counter narratives and community mobilisation to collaborative advocacy and self-care. Students, social workers, artists, academics, seasoned activists and community organisers shared their experiences, hopes and ideas for a more just and democratic society. Over lunch, we held the Singapore Advocacy Awards ceremony, presented by TWC3. We were glad to count many of the award winners amongst our speakers for the various sessions. The event ended on a note of solidarity, positive energy and momentum, with participants making offers and requests to the community at the closing session.

This year, the conference was organised by a fresh committee of individuals supported by the 2014 team who put together the inaugural Apa Itu Activist?. Our hope is that civil society will continue to hold this forum regularly, with different people at the helm each time.
Missed the event? Check out some of the sessions below! Huge thanks to The Online Citizen for capturing the event on film. For a review of the forum by activist and freelance journalist Kirsten Han, click here.

Vulnerable Adults Bill: AWARE’s submissions to the government consultation

This post was originally submitted as AWARE’s feedback to a government consultation described on the REACH website. For the original document with citations included, please click here

Screen Shot 2016-08-23 at 2.03.43 pmWomen are disproportionately likely to be vulnerable adults.  In 2009, women formed 71% of the population of older adults diagnosed with cognitive impairment. Women are also more likely to face limitations in performing their daily activities. These facts, combined with the gendered nature of ageing (women live, on average, five years longer than men), make the Vulnerable Adults Bill of keen interest to AWARE.

Overall, we welcome the introduction of this comprehensive and detailed legal framework to grant the state powers to protect vulnerable adults from abuse and neglect.  We find it very helpful that there are key principles laid out in Clause 4 of the draft Bill, to govern and limit the exercise of those powers, and agree with the content of those principles (though we suggest one addition below).  

We also note that in the process of drafting this Bill, the Ministry for Social and Family Development has carried out several rounds of consultation and discussed the use of the feedback received with the public – an approach that we applaud and urge the government to use more consistently across all Ministries and policy areas.

However, intervention in individual cases cannot be the primary solution to care- and welfare-related difficulties experienced by vulnerable adults.  Such intervention cannot substitute for broader state investment in infrastructure and facilities for long-term care, including home care.  As we have consistently recommended, the ageing population urgently necessitates this investment.  

Below we offer comments which principally address two key points:

a) We offer suggestions as to the scope of the Bill, to ensure that it is sensitive to a wider range of forms of abuse and omissions of care.

b) We recommend strengthening the mechanisms for oversight of the use of powers under the Bill. Specifically, any exercise of powers without the consent of the vulnerable adult or potentially involving serious disruptions to the privacy and liberty of any individual should always involve a process of formal oversight by a second body.  This could take the form of (i) requirements of formal reporting to and/or prior approval from an independent body (we suggest the Review Board), or (ii) applications for court orders.  Additional oversight can better ensure that all use of powers under the Bill is in conformity with the Clause 4 principles, especially 4(1)(a)(d).  

Principles and scope of the Bill

Principles:

a) We support the Principles of the Bill set out in Clauses 4.  In our view, it is vital that powers granted under this Bill are exercised in a way that minimises interference with the vulnerable adult’s rights and freedom.  This is both to respect the dignity of the individual as well as to recognise that in general, community support rather than legal intervention will tend to better serve their needs.
b) To further strengthen the Principles, we recommend the insertion of the statement “the welfare and best interests of the vulnerable adult shall be the first and paramount consideration” into Clause 4 of the Bill.  This would bring the Bill into alignment with Section 3A of the Children and Young Persons Act, where one of the Principles is that “the welfare and best interests of the child or young person shall be the first and paramount consideration” in all matters of application of the Act.  The “best interests” of the vulnerable adult is mentioned in several sections, (e.g. Clause 7(2A), Clause 11(3), Clause 11(7)), but we believe that it should have the status of an overarching Principle as well.

2. Definition of “vulnerable adult”: We recommend that subparagraph (a) of the definition of “vulnerable adult” in Clause 2 should be amended to read “is 16 years of age or older”.   At the moment, the Children and Young Persons Act protects people who are under 16 years of age, while this Bill as drafted covers those aged 18 years and above.  Our change would close the gap of protection for those between 16 to 18 years of ages.

3. Definition of “neglect” and “self-neglect”:

a) The omission of care (neglect and self-neglect) can be harder to detect than the commission of abuse. The Bill defines ‘self-neglect’ as the failure of the individual to perform essential tasks of daily living and ‘neglect’ as the lack of provision of essential care to the vulnerable adult. Do the essential tasks of daily living refer only to Activities of Daily Living (ADLs)? In our view, this may be insufficient, as ADLs understate an individual’s level of needs. We recommend that Instrumental Activities of Daily Living (IADLs) be included as a tool of assessment as it is more precise in detecting the omission of care.  IADLs are activities that allow individuals to live independently in a community e.g. taking medications as prescribed, preparing meals and managing finances. 

b) Adults have a right to choose their own living environment, even (up to a level) unsanitary ones. The Bill should respect a vulnerable adult’s membership in a community and choice of living situation.  Intervention should be proportionate and targeted to the specific form of self-neglect that is identified, without an excessively disruptive response.

In cases of hoarding, the FAQ states that MSF ‘may apply for a court order for the home to be made safe’. However, such one-off actions of making a home safe do little to address the psychological reasons behind hoarding behaviour. There should be follow-up action in place to see that the hoarder receives the necessary and appropriate medical support.

4. Definition of “abuse”:  We recommend that financial abuse be included in this definition. MSF’s publications recognise financial abuse as a form of elder abuse.  Examples include deceiving or coercing the elderly parent to sign a will or deed, or regularly taking money from the elderly parent without providing support in return.  Financial abuse is often accompanied by threats of physical violence, and compounds the vulnerability of a victim to further abuse and neglect.  As this can be just as devastating as other forms of abuse and neglect, we believe it should thus be covered under this Bill.

Restraints and oversight for use of powers

  1. Consent: Several powers under this Bill can be exercised without the consent of the vulnerable adult where they lack the mental capacity to consent (e.g. Clauses 6(1)(d)(ii), 10(1)(d)(ii), 16(6), 17(5)(b)).  In such cases, where the vulnerable adult has applied for a Lasting Power of Attorney (LPA), consent should be sought from their donee(s) unless the donee(s) are themselves the abuser of the vulnerable adult (in which case their status as donee should be revoked).
  2. Role of court and Review Board:  Extensive discretion is granted to the Director and protectors under this Bill.  While the protection of vulnerable adults may require measures that can be disruptive to them and others associated with them, this carries the possibility that some state actions may be excessive – an outcome which the Clause 4 principles rightly seek to avoid.Relatedly, the wide discretion granted to the Director and protectors may lead to concern and uncertainty among caregivers for vulnerable adults.  They may worry pre-emptively about the possibility of entry into their premises or other state actions that could disrupt their lives, and thus become reluctant to house and care for vulnerable adults.  AWARE has encountered cases in an analogous context, where the relationship between older parents and children are harmed by state intervention, for instance due to court orders for maintenance.  Having sturdier formal mechanisms to limit and review the Director’s exercise of discretion may help to reassure the public that state powers will be used with strong regard to restraint and proportionality, and thus counter negative perceptions.We thus welcome the fact that some powers (e.g. under Clause 10) are subject to the requirement to seek a court order.  However, in our view, oversight mechanisms should be strengthened.  In particular, any exercise of powers without the consent of the vulnerable adult or potentially involving serious disruptions to the privacy and liberty of any individual should always involve a process of formal oversight by a second body.  This could take the form of (i) formal reporting to and/or prior approval from another independent body; or (ii) applications for court orders.The independent body referred to above could be the Review Board described in Clause 19.  It would need to be given the specific mandate to require powers under the Bill to be exercised in conformity with Clause 4, and a whistle-blowing function analogous to the Public Guardian which addresses complaints relating to the Mental Capacity Act.More specific discussion of provisions that would benefit from increased safeguards is set out below.
  3. Specific recommendations for safeguards: We have set out recommendations below for the inclusion of requirements for a) court orders, b) Review Board approvals or c) Review Board reporting.  Even if recommendations for court orders or prior approvals are not accepted on operational grounds, we strongly recommend that all use of these powers should be subject to reporting and justification to the Review Board.a) In addition to existing safeguards in the Bill, court orders should be required in the following cases.  We have identified these as the most intrusive powers because they involve the removal of vulnerable adults without their consent and/or intrusion into homes of individuals.i) Clause 6(1)(d)(ii) and Clause 6(4) – removal of an individual lacking mental capacity for assessment without their consent, and the use of force for this removal.ii) Clause 8 – power to enter premises.
    iii) Clause 11(1)(b)(ii) – Notwithstanding the inclusion of the words “voluntarily submits”, the initial exercise of the Clause 10 power to remove a vulnerable adult represents a very significant change in the vulnerable adult’s circumstances and should not be possible without review and confirmation by court order.  We thus question the inclusion of Clause 11(1)(b)(ii) in the Bill.

    b) In addition to existing safeguards in the Bill, prior approval from the Review Board on the use of the power.i) Clause 9 – power to require the provision of information (which we note includes potentially highly confidential and personal information).ii) Clause 11(2)-(4) – power to require medical treatment.  If prior approval is not feasible due to the urgency of the situation, use of this power should be reported to the Review Board in a timely fashion (two working days).
    iii) Clause 11(7) – the non-contact order is potentially highly disruptive to familial relationships.  While we recognise that it may sometimes be urgently required in cases of abuse and that obtaining a court order beforehand may not always be feasible, it should not be left solely to the discretion of the Director or protectors.  If a requirement of prior Review Board approval is not feasible, it should still be subject to timely reporting to the Review Board (two working days).

    c) In addition to existing safeguards in the Bill, timely reporting (within two working days) to the Review Board setting out the details of the use of the power and its justifications.
    i) Clause 6(2) – directing someone to leave during an assessment.
    ii) Clause 10 – power to remove a vulnerable adult.  Although there are provisions for subsequent applications for a court order, all such actions should also be reported to the Review Board.
    iii) Clause 11(1)(b)(i) – this exempts removals of the vulnerable adult from the need for a subsequent court order where there is a return within three working days.  This is fair, but as all removals (even short ones) are highly disruptive, such removals should be reported to the Review Board.

Other comments

  1. Counselling: Clause 14(1)(i) allows the court to make orders requiring counselling.  We recommend in cases of neglect or abuse by family members, that the court orders may apply to others in the residence.  Feelings of resentment or distrust in family violence cases may stretch beyond the abuser and the abused.  Thus family dynamics need to be addressed and adjusted in order to create a safe and protective environment for the vulnerable adult to return.
  2. Application for court orders: Under Clause 12(3), a vulnerable adult may only apply for certain court orders for protection if the vulnerable adult is 21 years of age or older, or is younger than 21 years of age and who is married or has been previously married. We recommend that the age range should be broadened to 16 years of age or older, regardless of marital status, as some young persons may not have older adults to turn to but nevertheless need protection.
  3. Penalties: We recommend that an order made under Clause 14(1)(c) come with a penalty for failure to comply, and for the penalty to be included under Clause 14(9).
  4. Monitoring and identification:  The effectiveness of the Bill is limited by whether social workers and others can detect and report cases of abuse, neglect or self-neglect.  Some vulnerable adults may have very limited or no access to the outside world.  We welcome more information on the monitoring systems used by social workers, police officers and others to identify vulnerable adults.  While the FAQ sheet lists possible agencies for the public to contact, we also recommend setting up a specific hotline for abuse of vulnerable adults, similar to MSF’s Child Protective Services Helpline.

Final remarks

We would like to reiterate that the success of the Bill in promoting the dignity and welfare of vulnerable adults is heavily dependent on the overall care infrastructure and facilities available in Singapore.  What happens when vulnerable adults are returned to their homes?  What actions will be taken to ensure an adequate level of care over the longer-term and successful reintegration?  How adequate are the current levels of resourcing for community living facilities?

Poverty and inadequate support for caregiving – exacerbating caregiver stress – are the wider environment which can result in or worsen the results of abuse, neglect and self-neglect.  These considerations will become more urgent as the population ages, but proactive state investment in the care economy can help to address their impact.

Grant more rights to foreign wives

This letter was first published on The Straits Times, 18 August 2016. 

Screen Shot 2016-08-18 at 9.15.51 amThe stigma around ‘mail order brides’ is only one challenge faced by the foreign wives of lower-income men in Singapore (‘Curb stigma against foreign brides’; ST Forum, August 13). Though unions between Singaporeans and foreigners formed 30% of marriages in 2013, many foreign wives struggle with access to basic rights like employment and housing.

For instance, restrictions against foreigners co-owning Housing Development Board (HDB) properties creates hardships for lower-income families who cannot afford private or non-subsidised housing. Earlier this year, a Singaporean deliveryman and his pregnant Vietnamese wife were living in a lorry, after applications for a two-room or rental flat failed due to the wife’s nationality and the husband’s income level. HDB helped them to secure a rental unit for a year, but only after their story went viral.

Access to fundamental needs should not depend on the social media lottery. Housing to enable a stable family life should be available to all Singaporeans, not only those with means or married to other Singaporeans.

The opacity and uncertainty of the criteria for permanent residence and citizenship also threaten the right to family life for foreign spouses and their citizen children.  Children in such familiesmake up 30% of Singaporean babies each year.  Yet if the citizen spouse stops sponsoring visa renewals, the foreign spouse may have to choose between leaving her children or taking them out of the country.

Recently, the Minister for Home Affairs clarified in Parliament that having a citizen child would be a ‘plus factor’, but does not automatically qualify one for citizenship or PR status.

This seems to suggest that some circumstances could justify requiring a Singapore citizen child to be separated from their mother or to leave the country. We would welcome the government’s clarification on what these circumstances could be.

Finally, foreign wives coming from poorer socio-economic backgrounds than their Singaporean husbands can be more vulnerable to abuse. Depending on their husbands for residency, citizenship status and the right to work puts these women in an unequal position and makes it harder for those facing abuse to seek help. It is thus vital that we strengthen their access to basic rights, and for permanent residence and citizenship criteria to be made clear and transparent.

Chong Ning Qian (Ms)

Research Executive

Association of Women for Action and Research

Get to know AWARE!

Are you a new member, volunteer or donor looking to learn more about AWARE? Maybe you’re passionate about women’s issues and want to contribute to the cause of gender equality in Singapore?

If your answer is ‘Yes!’, then this gathering is for you! At our upcoming ‘Get to know AWARE‘ night, learn more about what we do to support women and improve women’s rights in Singapore. You will meet other amazing people, and experience the spirit that has kept our flame burning strong for the last 30 years.

Come be part of our community and find out how you can contribute to making Singapore a fairer and more equal society!

Date: 31 August 2016 (Wednesday)
Venue: AWARE Centre (5 Dover Crescent #01-22)
Time: 7.30 pm

REGISTER FOR GET TO KNOW AWARE NIGHT

For more details on the event, contact Jes at volunteering@aware.org.sg.

Alamak Awards 2016!

The poll is now closed!

The popular AWARE Alamak! Awards are back!

Every year, the AWARE Awards celebrate individuals and organisations that have promoted gender equality in Singapore. At the same time, the Alamak! Award is given out to the most jaw-dropping instance of sexism, as decided by you!

The recipients of both Awards will be revealed at our WORLD Ball on 17 October.

This year, you have a choice between four candidates. Take a look at their work and cast your votes below. You can cast two votes. Read more about the Alamak! Awards.

Acquittal of Zunika Ahmad

legalIn April, a transgender man was cleared of sexual penetration of a minor (despite pleading guilty!) because the Court decided that the accused, Zunika Ahmad, could not be held accountable for his actions through this offence (though he was convicted of other charges). In the Judge’s view, the language of the Penal Code requires the perpetrator to have a penis.  A terrible outcome for many reasons, but particularly bizarre because the law the Judge cited was introduced specifically to address the issue of ‘female sexual abuse of male minors’ (words from Parliament, not us!).This case takes us ten steps backward for fairness and justice, setting a bad legal precedent. The pending appeal in court is a chance to set things right – let’s hope this is taken.

Note: We have edited this language to clarify that the issue is with the outcome and impact of the decision and not the judge. We apologise to those who have voted on the basis of the prior language.

Eagle Infotech Consultants

Screen Shot 2016-08-08 at 1.10.22 pm

How best to teach workplace diversity and inclusion, or communications and negotiation skills? Not like this: a WSQ course exercise from Eagle Infotech asked managers to choose which of a list of workers to fire – giving only information about their race, religion, marital status, sexual orientation and political affiliations.  Reading the questions, you’d think that healthy, non-judgmental discussions should not centre on staff’s identities – are they a “talented (…) homosexual”? A “woman with very strong view” (yikes, not one of those!)? Or a “former member of the Worker’s Party”?  With barely a word about performance or ability, what were the trainees meant to discuss?

Lawyer, Edmund Wong

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In another courtroom-related facepalm moment, lawyer Edmund Wong, representing the defendant in a sexual assault case, asked the victim to stand up while on the witness stand.  He stared at her breasts and made inappropriate remarks about their size. When she protested, he said that her physical attractiveness could have caused the “temptation” to molest. The victim was visibly affected. Thank goodness for the Judge who censured Wong’s outrageous line of questioning. Wong even defended himself later on by saying, “I didn’t ask what her chest measurements are.” ALAMAK! Who let this guy have a law degree?!

Misogynist NUS Camp Organisers

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While many college orientation camp activities have been widely known to be deeply inappropriate and misogynist, some organisers at NUS took their disregard for consent and respect much further – with lurid, detailed re-enactments of rape scenes, horrid and intrusive questions about who is “sluttiest”, and push-ups on top of unwilling women. Some participants said it was “a scary experience”, and that they “wanted to get out so badly”. Hardly a fun time bonding! We hope NUS will seize this opportunity to educate their students on consent, sexual violence and respect.

Voting closed on 11 September 2016.

The winner will be revealed at our fundraising gala, the WORLD Ball on 17 October. Don’t forget to watch this space, or follow us on Twitter and Facebook to find out who won!

If you’d like to support us as we strive for gender equality, do consider attending our gala event! You can also check out last year’s winners for both the AWARE and Alamak! Awards here.

AWARE statement on the Administration of Justice (Protection) Bill

This post was originally published as a press release on 10 August 2016.

AWARE statement on the Administration of Justice (Protection) Bill

courtAWARE would like to express our support of the general intention and principle behind the Administration of Justice (Protection) Bill.  However, we have some concerns about the Bill’s potential negative impact on civil society and free speech.

Broadly, we support the aim of the Bill, which is “to state and consolidate the law of contempt of court”.  This law is intended to maintain public confidence in the legal and judicial system.  Setting it out on a statutory footing provides greater certainty for all members of society and is therefore to be welcomed.  In particular, we are pleased to see provisions setting out consequences for breach or disobedience of court orders, as this will strengthen the protections against gender-based violence offered by the Protection from Harassment Act and the Women’s Charter.

However, we have concerns about the Bill’s implications for free expression.  Singapore needs robust public discussion to cultivate mutual understanding and forge consensus.  AWARE’s work for gender equality often requires us to publicly engage social and legal issues thrown up by court proceedings.  In our view, additional restraints on expression should be imposed only where absolutely necessary, and with strict proportionality.

In addition, there is great public confusion about the scope and nature of contempt of court prohibitions.  We urge the government to reassure the public that it welcomes critical engagement with legal proceedings and to clarify the permissible forms of speech, so that the Bill does not inadvertently encourage groups or individuals to self-censor and deprive society of the full range of perspectives that can enrich our public discourse.

In particular, we would welcome clarification as to the scope of “fair criticism” which is not prohibited by the offence of “scandalising the courts”.  AWARE has a strong interest in making and encouraging commentary on family and criminal law matters.  As a group which is primarily concerned about discrimination, we may even need to raise questions about potential systematic or unconscious biases in the legal system.

For instance, we publicly criticised the outcome and legal reasoning of a case where a defendant was acquitted on charges of sexual penetration of a minor, due to the judge’s decision that the crime could only be committed by a person with a penis.  Some members of the public speculated that prejudicial ideas about gender played a role in this outcome.  Would the Bill prohibit these important discussions, especially when the “real risk” test for undermining public confidence has been lowered to a mere “risk” test?

Similarly, to raise awareness about gender equality, we may comment on the social implications of ongoing proceedings.  For instance, news reports frequently furnish illustrations of poorly understood aspects of sexual assault, e.g. how supportive family figures make a difference to victims, or how authority figures can abuse their power over minors.  Discussing concrete examples while they are live in the public mind can improve public understanding of sexual assault, and thus create a more supportive environment for victims, in a way that more theoretical or historical discussion cannot.  Sometimes we may even have to point to deficiencies in the law.  It is hard to imagine that appropriately trained judges can be unduly influenced by AWARE raising such matters.  Yet it is unclear if this kind of public advocacy would be caught by the Bill.

The uncertainty that well-intentioned commenters will face is exacerbated by the fact that it provides no defence for good faith comment, but lays out severe penalties – a maximum fine of $100,000, three years in prison, or both. By contrast, the Sedition Act provides for a $5,000 fine, three years in prison or both.  The Bill thus seems especially  severe.

In summary, while we strongly welcome and support the principles behind the Bill, we are concerned that it raises many complex questions that will affect the ability of ordinary people to engage in public conversation on matters of general interest.  As highlighted in the Explanatory Statement at the end, it does not merely codify but also changes the law.  For this reason, we hope that the government will do more to explain the parameters of permissible speech.  In our view, a wider public consultation should have taken place before the Bill was introduced, and should still be instituted before it is passed.  We urge Members of Parliament to debate the Bill robustly at the second reading.

Free muralling workshop at AWARE!

Screen Shot 2016-07-13 at 11.20.38 amWe Can! Singapore is offering FREE muralling workshops to the public! Over four sessions, participants will get to learn a new artistic skill (mural art!) and express themselves through the form. Your art will be preserved on two walls in the AWARE Centre!
About: Two facilitators, one of whom is a muralling artist, will be guiding participants to create a mural of words and images that represent their experiences, feelings and hopes for the future. Participants at past workshops have found it to be an empowering experience, through which they built a shared sense of community with others.

Dates: 16, 23, 30 August 2016
Time: 4 – 6.30pm
Venue: AWARE Centre
Cost: FREE
Duration: Three 2.5-hour sessions

REGISTER HERE.

For more info, please email Gracia at projects@aware.org.sg.

Apa Itu Activist? A Forum on Civil Society Action and Advocacy

Screen Shot 2016-07-26 at 4.53.36 pmApa Itu Activist? A Forum on Civil Society Action and Advocacy is back this August! If you’re looking to create social change in Singapore, this is your chance to equip yourself with ideas, partners and tools!

Hear from exciting speakers like Arts NMP Kok Heng Leun, journalist Kirsten Han, historian Pingtjin Thum, writer and LBT rights activist Raksha Mahtani and community organiser Zubee Ali.

Click here to register for the event!

Film screening – 1987: Untracing the Conspiracy

filmThis is a members’ only event. If you are not an AWARE member and would like to attend this screening, you can register to become an AWARE member here, or do so at the door on the day of the event.

AWARE is organising a film screening of 1987: Untracing the Conspiracy in collaboration with Function 8. The screening will be followed by a discussion on the impact that 1987’s Operation Spectrum had on the women’s movement in Singapore, how women were treated during detention, and the role women have played in civil society over time. The panel discussion will be moderated by Kokila Annamalai.

Date: 4 August, Thursday
Time: 7.30pm
Venue: AWARE Centre 5 Dover Crescent, #01-22 Singapore 130005

,View the film trailer here.

REGISTER FOR THE SCREENING HERE.

1987: Untracing the Conspiracy is a film examining Singapore’s history through the depiction of narrow corridors, a suit and a tie, and a pristine book.

In 1987, 22 people were arrested under Singapore’s Internal Security Act (ISA). Accused of being involved in a Marxist conspiracy to establish a communist state, many detainees were tortured and then coerced into implicating themselves and their friends on public television. Featuring interviews with ex-detainees and political exiles, the film focuses on the first 30 days of their ordeal.

The ex-detainees describe various physical and psychological techniques used by their interrogators. This ignoble history of the ISA is a damning indictment of how detention without trial is not just a special kind of law, but a suspension of law.

This is a members’ only event. If you are not a member and would like to attend this screening, you can register to become an AWARE member here, or sign up here.