Year: 2025

Pregnant women in the workplace deserve better

This op-ed was originally published in The Straits Times on 21 May 2025.

By Sugidha Nithiananthan and Adilah Rafey

Jenny (not her real name) was undergoing a probationary period at work when she found out she was pregnant. She did not want to disclose this to her employer, but had no choice when she experienced complications requiring time off.

After she returned to work, her employer fired her a day before her three-month probation was to end. She was not given any reason, and her employer docked her pay for the medical leave she took.

Another worker, Anne (not her real name), applied for a job and was granted an interview. While filling out a form for this, she noticed that a health examination was required. Given that she was pregnant, she could not undergo the required X-ray examination.

Anne e-mailed the company to say she was pregnant and asked for more information about the examination. The company ghosted her.

Jenny and Anne are not isolated cases. They are among hundreds of women who sought help from the Association of Women for Action and Research (AWARE) for discrimination and harassment as a result of pregnancy.

Discrimination against expectant mothers in the workplace is a reality in Singapore and is often treated as part and parcel of the workplace culture.

Apart from the fact that pregnancy discrimination is manifestly unfair, as a nation we are also facing a seriously low total fertility rate.

We should be looking at how we can make bolder systemic changes that support parents in growing their families. This has to start with how pregnant women are treated in the workplace, in the home, and in society at large.

Eradicating discrimination against pregnant women

No woman should have to choose between her job and having children, but this is the reality when discrimination and harassment continue in our workplaces today.

The Workplace Fairness Act (WFA) was passed this year. When it comes into effect in 2026/2027, it will prohibit employment decisions that discriminate against pregnant women. However, the WFA falls short of fully protecting pregnant women.

The WFA applies only to a limited set of employment decisions: hiring, appraising, promoting, reducing employees’ rank or status, training, dismissing, retrenching and terminating the contract of employees.

This excludes a host of employment decisions that regularly affect pregnant employees, such as docking their salaries, giving them lower or higher workloads without their consent, and reducing their bonuses. These are noteworthy concerns.

Indeed, the Ministry of Manpower’s (MOM) Fair Employment Practices 2023 report confirmed that salary, workload distribution and bonus were listed as the top three most common forms of discrimination, at 43.4 per cent, 33.7 per cent and 26.8 per cent, respectively.

AWARE recommends that a wider range of employment decisions be covered under the WFA, including the ones identified by the MOM.

Since the WFA has not come into effect, women like Jenny and Anne have no other option but to rely on the Tripartite Guidelines on Fair Employment Practices (TGFEP). Complaints of discrimination can be made to the Tripartite Alliance for Fair and Progressive Employment Practices (TAFEP). However, the TGFEP is not law, and there is no legal recourse against an employer who refuses to comply.

In addition, to effectively rely on the WFA or the TGFEP, women need to prove that they have been discriminated against based on their pregnancy.

This seems reasonable, on the face of it. However, in practical terms, it is difficult to prove. Many employers refuse to give a reason, or sometimes give reasons that do not seem genuine.

In another case that AWARE saw, Farah (not her real name) was 17 weeks pregnant and had her employment terminated. The reason given was that her position was redundant due to restructuring.

Another fellow pregnant employee similarly had her employment terminated.

In cases like these, it is difficult for employees to prove that their employers discriminated against them on the basis of their pregnancy. AWARE calls for the burden of proof to be reversed in favour of pregnant women.

So if a woman’s employment is terminated while she is pregnant, there is a presumption that it was a discriminatory dismissal—and the burden is on the employer to prove there is a valid reason for the termination.

Offer better support for parents

Mothers whose children are Singapore citizens are entitled to 16 weeks of maternity leave.

For the first two children, the Government pays 50 per cent of their pay and the employer bears the rest. However, for the third and subsequent children, the Government bears the full wages for the 16 weeks of maternity leave.

This cost to the employer for the first two children is often glossed over. Such a cost could easily deter employers and be the source of discrimination.

Since it is in the country’s interest that people have children, full government-paid maternity leave should be extended to the first and second children as well. 

This means employers not being burdened by the cost of having more children in Singapore.

In addition, it will also encourage more employers to hire temporary covers for employees on maternity leave, if there is no additional cost to the employer in doing so. Such a practice is fairer to existing employees too, rather than asking them to take on the work of the employee on maternity leave and breeding resentment among them—a further source of discrimination.

Policies in countries touted as having the “best practices” for childcare leave by the United Nations Population Fund are instructive to look at. 

In Sweden, there is generous parental leave of 240 days per child per parent (and 480 days for single parents). Parental insurance—funded by employers and the self-employed—broadly covers 80% of income for 195 days (or 390 days for single parents) and covers the remaining 45 days (or 90 days for single parents) at a minimum rate.

The leave can be used any time from 60 days before delivery (by the mother only for the pre-delivery period) until the child is 12; but after the age of four, parents have only 96 days per child. This is an excellent gender-equal policy and one that gives equal recognition to single parents, too. We echo our previous calls to equalise maternity and paternity leave—parenting is the equal responsibility of both parents.

The parental policies in Estonia and Slovenia also resonate. They provide unemployed parents with some basic income as parental benefits towards caregiving of their children, especially in infancy.

Time for reasonable accommodations

Reasonable accommodations are often discussed in the context of disability, but they apply to a variety of situations, including pregnancy and caregiving.

For example, pregnant women who are expected to perform certain physical tasks at the workplace should reasonably be given tasks commensurate with their ability during pregnancy.

Accommodations that pregnant employees need for the health and safety of their own bodies, and to some extent that of their unborn child, are reasonable asks. It is important to remember the focus is on what is reasonable in the circumstances, for both employers and employees.

In most developed social democracies, the obligation on employers to provide reasonable accommodations is included within employment Acts or alongside anti-discrimination policies.

The principle behind this is that most anti-discrimination policies—which prohibit employers from choosing not to hire employees with protected characteristics—need to also require employers to provide reasonable accommodations for their employees when they are hired.

In Singapore, the Government has chosen to pass the WFA without a mandatory obligation to provide reasonable accommodations. Instead, the aim is for TAFEP to issue guidelines on reasonable accommodations with the hope that all employers will adopt these guidelines. This means that employers are not legally compelled to provide reasonable accommodations.

We hope that TAFEP and MOM will track the adoption of the guidelines by employers and will also track how well employers are responding to employees’ needs and providing reasonable accommodations. This will enable the Government to assess earlier rather than later if legislation is required to make it obligatory for employers to provide accommodations that are reasonable.

The Government can also help employers to adopt these guidelines by providing them with grants to put in place the various reasonable accommodations—for example, lactation rooms and refrigerators to store breast milk—and other incentives to encourage adoption of the guidelines, such as tax incentives.

We call for more substantive measures to support mothers in the workplace, at home and in society. This month of May, when we celebrate mothers, it is time we set our sights on good policy that values how precious motherhood is.

Sugidha Nithiananthan is Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE. Adilah Rafey is a Research Executive at AWARE.

AWARE deep dives with CNA into why victim-blaming is so dangerous

Sugidha Nithiananthan, the Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE, talking about the misconceptions perpetuated by victim-blaming on the CNA Deep Dive podcast. Screenshot taken from Channel News Asia’s Instagram.

Article written by Athiyah Azeem.

A lot of people say that if you enter a dangerous situation, it contributes to the offence, said Steven Chia, host of CNA’s Deep Dive podcast.

“If your house was burgled and you left the door open, in court you can argue that, well, you left the door open.” Steven said on the podcast.

“Actually, you can’t,” said Sugidha Nithiananthan, the Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE. “And that’s the whole point.”

Even if a door was left wide open, when a burglar walks in and steals the victim’s belongings, the burglar is still guilty of theft. Similarly, as long as a woman has not consented to sex, they are not to blame for being raped.

Sugidha used this analogy to explore the dangers and misconceptions that victim-blaming perpetuates with hosts Steven and Otelli Edwards on CNA’s Deep Dive podcast in April. She was joined by Mark Yeo, director of Fortress Law Corporation, who provided insight into how courts approach cases of sexual assault.

Sugidha spoke about this in the wake of former Vice President of the Law Society Chia Boon Teck’s infamous LinkedIn post. In his 10-point post, Chia used the fact that the survivor met the rapist through a dating app and sat in his bedroom to suggest that she consented to being raped.

“The fact that she decided to meet him through Tinder, or because she decided to get drunk at the bar, or because she followed him back to his room, none of this leads to consent,” Sugidha said. “It essentially always boils down to: Was there consent when it happened?”

Listen to this podcast episode to hear Sugidha dispel rape myths, and explain what consent is and why it’s so dangerous to blame survivors of sexual assault.

Here are some key takeaways:

  • Victim-blaming is casting full or partial blame on victim-survivors for being raped.
  • Victim-blaming incorrectly focusses on what the victim-survivor “did” to supposedly contribute to causing the rape, instead of focussing on the perpetrator who is solely responsible for causing rape.
  • There is no one way to be a victim-survivor. Sometimes, survivors freeze and are not able to say “no.” Sometimes, survivors fawn and keep in contact with the rapist after being raped. Rape is not about what the survivor did, but whether they consented to sex.
  • Rape myths are untrue beliefs people hold about why a victim-survivor was raped (e.g. “she was asking for it.”)
  • People still believe in rape myths, which present in myriad ways:
    • Comments perpetuating rape myths that go unchallenged in casual conversations.
    • Myths are used to excuse perpetrators in court.
    • Men believing a woman they are meeting is consenting to sex because they’re wearing something revealing.
    • Survivors not wanting to report being raped because of the fear of being disbelieved.
  • Rape myths obfuscate the truth: That you cannot assume, manipulate, or coerce consent.
  • Consent education goes a long way in helping people understand consent, navigate sexual situations, and communicate what they want from a sexual partner.
  • It’s important to teach consent to people when they are young, so they are well-informed when they’re older, when they are navigating sexual situations.

Athiyah Azeem is the Communications Executive at AWARE.

Recap of AWARE’s 40th Annual General Meeting 2025

Seventy AWARE members, which includes 46 in-person and 24 online members, attended the 40th Annual General Meeting at AWARE. Photograph by Athiyah Azeem. 

Written by Lynn Li.

On 26 April 2025, AWARE held its 40th Annual General Meeting—its first hybrid AGM—chaired by President Aarathi Arumugam. Seventy members joined in person and online.

Ms. Arumugam noted 2025 as a milestone year, with Singapore turning 60 and AWARE turning 40, and introduced AWARE’s refined North Star: to be an expert, challenger, and force to empower change.

The afternoon also saw department representatives sharing updates from the past year. More details can be found in the Annual Report 2024.

The Advocacy and Research Department, represented by Sugidha Nithiananthan and Ruby Thiagarajan, continues to tackle structural gender inequality through research and collaboration. In 2024, they studied transnational families in collaboration with South Central Community Family Service Centre, partnered with Wild Rice on their play on coercive control, Dive, and reviewed technology-facilitated sexual violence (TFSV) cases seen by the Sexual Assault Care Centre. Their work contributed to significant wins, including stronger protections for platform workers, new Flexible Work Arrangement (FWA) guidelines, expanded paternity leave, and the creation of an Online Safety Commission to tackle online harms. The team will continue pushing for FWA legislation and gig worker protections in 2025.

The newly standalone Communications Department, represented by Athiyah Azeem, saw strong engagement on social media, with two posts reaching over 100,000 views. Their focus on validating survivors’ experiences, giving language to gender injustice, and galvanising younger audiences drove impact. In 2024, the team published multiple op-eds and forum letters, with one sparking a response from the Ministry of Manpower.

The CARE Department, comprising the Women’s Care Centre (WCC) and Sexual Assault Care Centre (SACC) was represented by Lydia Ariani and Caris Lim. They served 2,865 clients and responded to 4,926 contacts in 2024. Despite senior staff turnover, the team onboarded five new hires, and improved internal workflows. CARE maintained strong community ties through Community of Practice sessions and offering of case consultations to social service agencies working with survivors of sexual violence. The team also invested in supervision and team wellbeing to support resilience and cohesion during the transition.

The Operations Team, led by Yasmine Tan, enhanced internal systems while safeguarding staff wellbeing. Key achievements included launching a new staff reimbursement system, improving digital safety, increasing team capacity with outsourcing and developing three-year strategic roadmaps for people and technology. These efforts helped AWARE maintain its IPC status, meet most Tripartite Standards, and score 95% on the Charity Code of Governance. The department also initiated a cross-departmental working group to address workplace stress and burnout.

The Support, Partner and Act through Community Engagement (S.P.A.C.E) Department, represented by Shamima Rafi and Izzaty Ishak, focused on building community capacity to prevent gender-based violence through engagement, education, and empowerment. They engaged 96 participants from 17 organisations for their International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (IDEVAW) event and ran workshops and events with students, journalists, and community partners throughout the year. S.P.A.C.E also ran bystander and consent workshops, and extended outreach to marginalised youth in residential homes. In 2025, they’ll launch nightlife safety workshops, host a IDEVAW conference and launch new workshops for boys in residential homes.

The Fundraising Team, represented by Isabella Tan and Bharathi Manogaran, achieved their $2.9 million target in 2024—including a record $1.1 million from the annual Ball and $260,000 through the “From Crisis to Change” campaign. Live auction proceeds went directly to support consent education and research on masculinity. The team is prioritising funding diversification, and plans for the 2025 Ball, The Mother of All Balls, are already underway.

Ms. Arumugam closed the meeting by thanking members for their ongoing support as AWARE prepares for its next chapter.

Lynn Li is the Fundraising Intern at AWARE.

Budget 2025: Provides safety nets, but we’re voting for trampolines

By Sugidha Nithiananthan and Adilah Rafey

Disclaimer: AWARE is a non-partisan civil society organisation. We do not endorse or support any political party or candidate. This analysis of Budget 2025 is part of our ongoing research and advocacy to promote gender equality and social inclusion in Singapore’s laws, policies, and institutions.

Why does AWARE talk about politics? 

As Singapore heads to the polls, it is more important than ever to examine how public policies shape the lives of different communities. At AWARE, we evaluate policies through a feminist lens. That means asking how they impact women, caregivers, low-income families, and marginalised groups.

In the words of the rich tradition of feminists who came before us, “the personal is political”. What this means is that politics has tangible effects on the lived realities of various communities, and the fight for gender equality must engage in the political arena. This engagement through the years has resulted in so many of our proposals becoming policy, and many more gaining traction in parliament and appearing in the manifestos of various parties across the political spectrum.

Our role is not to take sides, but to push for bold, evidence-based change. This Budget analysis is part of our role in raising awareness during this election season. We hope to be your reliable source of non-partisan feminist analysis of Singapore’s current policies as they exist, our recommendations, and our evaluation of the alternative proposals in the space. Keep an eye out for our social media posts on parties’ manifestos and positions through a feminist lens!

Last year, AWARE critiqued the package of one-off cash vouchers announced in Budget 2024, stating that they were “merely a bandaid and not a sustainable solution” to the cost of living crisis. Was 2025’s Budget more of the same? Did it outperform public pessimism on account of being an “Election Budget”?

BRIEF OBSERVATIONS

  • Just an election budget? More benefits for the middle class, with a lower emphasis on spending for low-income families compared to Budget 2024
  • Labour policies focused on incentivising employers’ compliance to the Progressive Wage Model, and increasing access to skills training for higher productivity
  • Testing the waters on some well-evidenced policies which have been previously dismissed, such as retrenchment benefits (Jobseeker Support Scheme), support towards home ownership for low-income families (ComLink+; Fresh Start Housing scheme), and higher cash transfers in the form of enhancements to COMCARE
  • Improvements to support for our ageing population, with increased access to support schemes for the middle class, increased financial support for long-term care; as well as policies benefiting older women who were homemakers / caregivers.

More for the middle 

Many have commented that this is an “Election Budget” and we certainly see why. A recent survey by Milieu Insight showed that Budget 2025 received more positive sentiments than its 2024 predecessors, while negative sentiments dropped slightly. This isn’t surprising – a large number of the benefits in this Budget are targeted at expanding access to existing policies for the large middle class. This applies across the board – such as an expansion of access to U-Save and Climate Vouchers, the expansion of the EASE programme to private dwellings, a reduction in property tax rates, and increased eligibility for long-term and home caregiving subsidies, amongst others. While the Budget has certainly been effective in achieving more positive reactions, more for the middle does not also mean more for the more disadvantaged.

Measures for low-income families

MSF has announced that it will increase ComCare payouts – the example given is an increase of $120 for a one-person household receiving Long-Term Assistance. This example is estimated to be a 20% higher disbursement. There’s little else that is provided about how much more spending will be allocated towards ComCare, most likely due to the case-by-case basis upon which ComCare is disbursed to families.

Additionally, the ComLink+ housing benefit allowing eligible families to buy new flats with shorter leases, which was previously only eligible to second-timers, is now expanded to first-time families as well. This mechanism, alongside the increased Fresh Start Housing Grant increase for second timers from $50k to $75k will definitely make owning one’s own house more accessible to many lower-income families.

However, given rising cost pressures, the peak of the GST increase, as well as worrying trends in wage security for the lowest earners, we are disappointed that the more inclusive approach in the 2024 Budget towards the bottom 20% of Singaporeans was not continued in this Budget. More can certainly be done, given that this demographic is most vulnerable to our cost-of-living crisis.

ComCare remains an opaque and stringent means-tested scheme which puts families under high amounts of scrutiny with no publicly available eligibility criteria – making the process highly dependent on officers in Social Service Offices, where it is disbursed. The enhanced amount of roughly $720 per month for a one-person household (the example provided by MSF in its Budget factsheet) is not even half of the living wage amount set by the Minimum Income Standards of $1,492 per month for a single elderly person – a common single-household demographic which ComCare hopes to serve.

It is critical to provide support that actually enables families to achieve positive outcomes and escape poverty. We recommend that disbursement amounts should be derived at by reference to evidence-based benchmarks and should be provided for a length of time that is sufficient to achieve these outcomes. Good benchmarks to follow would include Minimum Income Standards and the amounts provided by AWWA in its recent randomised UCT trials as part of the Family Empowerment Programme.

Opacity of ComCare’s eligibility criteria continues to be a barrier to access for many families. Public disclosure of its criteria, such as income thresholds, housing status and other socio-economic indicators, can further empower families to self-assess their eligibility and better prepare their applications for ComCare. This will also enable other stakeholders to assess the efficacy of these criteria on the ground.

While enhancements to ComLink+ and the increased provision of the Fresh Start Housing Grant are certainly a step in the right direction, vulnerable families taking realistic steps toward home ownership require much more support – even if the immediate benefits of higher financial aid are not apparent. The positive effects of supporting families working towards their housing aspirations are far-reaching and go beyond individual families, “spilling into” the rest of society. This is apparent from AWARE’s report “Why Stable Housing Matters”. It shows that sustained and sufficient financial support, and even the free provision of housing to particularly vulnerable groups such as single parent families, unwed mothers and victim-survivors of family violence, produces outcomes that far exceed the expenditure of such programmes.

Therefore, we reiterate our call to implement housing programmes to provide unwed mothers and family violence survivors who have no place to go with free stable housing or interim housing for at least 2 years, alongside support services. We also reiterate our recommendations that the income cap for rental housing should be increased and set on a per-capita basis, and eligibility should be expanded to cover non-nuclear family structures. Everyone should have a right to safe and affordable housing even when they do not fall within nuclear family structures, and should not suffer from the “benefit cliff” of being unable to afford to buy their own flat and yet being over the cut-off point to qualify for rental housing.

Labour and Workers

This year’s budget disbursements in the area of labour are overwhelmingly aimed at incentivising employers to comply with previously established policies, as well as a large effort at making skills training more accessible and widely adopted.

The Progressive Wage Credits Scheme provides financial support to firms for wage increases as a result of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) through a co-funding scheme. While this certainly will increase compliance with the PWM, it is not an additional form of income support  for workers themselves. With the ever-rising cost of living, the time has come for Singapore, as an advanced economy, to adopt a living wage standard which allows workers to live with dignity. Singapore has sufficient resources to meet minimum wage standards, as opposed to relying fully on PWM, which does not address the continued existence of a reliable pool of low-salary foreign workers that companies continue to have access to without very few market controls.

AWARE does commend the additional training allowance of up to $3,000 per worker for selected full-time courses under the SkillsFuture Level-Up Scheme as well as the enhanced tier of support under the Workfare Skills Support. All workers, regardless of their income level or career should be supported to access training and upskilling.

We are also highly encouraged by the newly announced Jobseeker Support Scheme (JSS), which will provide newly-retrenched workers with financial support of up to $6,000 over 6 months while undergoing training or searching for jobs. This is a step in the right direction – it is similar in design and principle to retrenchment insurance, which most workers in advanced social democracies around the world have a right to. While the amount of financial support, the proposed structure of payouts and the length of assistance would certainly be more helpful if they were more generous, we believe that this scheme has the potential to provide much needed support for many vulnerable workers and their families when they face unavoidable retrenchment. Evidence from other countries has shown that retrenchment and unemployment benefits can provide a social safety net that ensures vulnerable communities are able to have the option to look for better work. We await reviews of and enhancements to the JSS, which could potentially expand beyond retrenchment and into the field of general unemployment.

Support for Seniors

This year’s budget pushes strongly towards enhanced financial support for seniors and their caregivers. This includes the expansion of EASE to seniors in private properties, the 5-year Matched Medisave Scheme, increases in long-term care subsidies in both residential homes and community care, and enhancements to the Home Caregiving Grant. These numerous schemes and improvements efficiently tackle the challenges of ageing for all groups in our society, regardless of income.

We commend these efforts, which aim to provide much needed support especially to caregivers, who do much of the highly gendered and unpaid work of caring for the elderly. We need to reiterate however the need for caregivers to be paid a living wage as they perform these highly critical services for society. This can be based, for example, on the Minimum Income Standard. Alternatively, we have long-proposed a Caregiver Support Grant that has both a cash and a CPF component (without the need for self-contribution), with the amount linked to the salaries of those providing the kind of care work involved. Payment levels can also be linked to the number of Activities of Daily Living (ADL) which each caregiver assists with, to recognise that caregivers need to invest greater resources into caring for care recipients who need help with more ADLs.

We particularly commend the Matched Medisave Scheme, which compliments the Matched Retirement Savings Scheme (MRSS). PM Wong rightfully stated that these schemes will be especially beneficial for “lower-income seniors, especially our grandmothers, mothers and aunts who were homemakers and caregivers”. This goes some way to address our 2024 recommendation to make the MRSS accessible to “caregivers who have had to take a step back from their careers before 55 years of age to fulfil caregiving duties”. However, we continue to echo our calls for more support for this group of people, who will still have much lower savings in their Medisave, Ordinary and Retirement Savings Accounts. Thus we recommend that this demographic should receive government top-ups as grants, rather than as matched top-ups.

Our Budget 2025 Wrap-up – Let’s build trampolines, not safety nets

Singapore’s Budget 2025 demonstrates a clear shift toward more structured, evidence-based welfare policies, moving beyond one-off cash handouts to sustained support for seniors, caregivers, those who were retrenched, and low-income families. While these measures are welcome, more targeted interventions that directly address cost-of-living pressures and broader structures  — backed by disaggregated data — are needed to ensure equitable outcomes. It’s time for us to invest in building “trampolines” rather than safety nets, so that more people can bounce back from crises.

Broader gaps remain, particularly in gender-responsive budgeting and the lack of disaggregated data to provide better evidence for policy proposals. As Singapore progresses, embedding these principles into our governance and policies will be crucial to foster a more inclusive and resilient society for all.

OUR WISHLIST FOR NEXT YEAR

  • More ambitious structural policy interventions to address and reverse the effects of the cost-of-living crisis – such as improvements to wages and more maternity benefits for pregnant women.
  • More support for childcare – such as increased support for access to infant care, parental care, and further experiments into models which provide a living wage for non-working caregivers of children.
  • Disaggregated data about our population should be collected and made more accessible to evaluate the effects of Budget on communities
  • Gender-responsive budgeting should be implemented, especially given the increasing need to focus on care
  • Social support that acts as more of a trampoline than a social safety net – going above and beyond the bare minimum and working towards support that allows people to make dignified and autonomous decisions.

Sugidha Nithiananthan is the Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE. Adilah Rafey is a Research Executive at AWARE.

[Filled] We are hiring! Communications Strategy & Brand Consultant

Job Description: Communications Strategy & Brand Consultant (8-month Consultancy Contract)
Reports to: Executive Director
Consultancy Fee: $7,000 – $8,000
Closing Date: 29 April 2025

Summary

The Communications Strategy & Brand Consultant will oversee AWARE’s communications strategy, messaging, and brand positioning, ensuring clarity, consistency, and impact across all platforms and campaigns. This role provides both high-level strategic direction and day-to-day oversight of the framing, tone and messaging of AWARE’s external communications.

The Consultant will also play a key role in conceptualising and initiating new campaigns that align with AWARE’s mission, organisational strategy, and priority issues.

While the Communications team executes content development, media engagement, and digital strategy, the Consultant ensures overall strategic coherence, approves key messaging before release, and provides guidance on digital engagement strategies.

The Consultant will work closely with the Communications team, providing strategic oversight, mentorship and support, and will assist with content development where needed. This role reports to the Executive Director.

A review of the job scope will take place after 2 and 5 months to ensure alignment with organisational needs. 

Scope of Work

  1. Communications & Brand Strategy
    • Support the development of and oversee AWARE’s communications strategy, ensuring consistency across platforms.
    • Provide strategic direction on messaging, framing, and brand positioning for AWARE’s external communications.
    • Align communications with AWARE’s values, mission, and long-term organisational strategy.
  2. Editorial & Content Oversight
    • Ensure consistency, clarity, and effectiveness in external messaging, aligning with AWARE’s communications strategy and public engagement goals.
    • Oversee framing and tone, ensuring that content is impactful, audience appropriate and aligned with AWARE’s voice.
  3. Digital & Social Media Strategy
    • Provide strategic guidance on how digital platforms should be optimally used to enhance AWARE’s public engagement.
    • Set content priorities and digital messaging strategies, ensuring all communications reflect AWARE’s voice, strategic goals and meet quality standards before release.
    • Monitor engagement data and audience trends, refining strategic approaches where needed.
    • Oversee the development of new digital engagement strategies (e.g., TikTok), ensuring they align with AWARE’s overall communications objectives.
  4. Crisis Communications & Reputational Risk Management
    • Lead crisis communications planning and oversight, ensuring timely and effective responses to reputational risks.
    • Review and refine crisis responses and sensitive media statements, especially those involving survivor voices, political sensitivities, or reputational risk.
  5. Team Oversight & Coordination
    • Provide guidance and final approval on framing and tone, with Communications team being primarily responsible for execution.
    • Mentor, advise and support the team in strengthening communications strategies and approaches.
    • The Communications team continues to report to the Executive Director for performance management.
  6. Special Projects
    • Lead communications strategy for AWARE’s 40th Anniversary campaign and other key initiatives.
    • Provide strategic oversight for high-impact public-facing projects and campaigns.
    • May also provide inputs to and support AWARE’s fundraising strategy, as necessary.
  7. Campaign Innovation & Public Engagement
    • Identify opportunities for AWARE to lead or respond to public discourse through bold, relevant, and mission-aligned campaigns.
    • Conceptualise and propose new campaign ideas in collaboration with the Communications team and programme leads, ensuring alignment with strategic priorities (e.g. gender-based violence, care infrastructure, survivor justice).
    • Guide campaign development from ideation through to framing and messaging, working with team members on execution and rollout.
    • Ensure campaigns are trauma-informed, culturally resonant, and grounded in AWARE’s values and advocacy goals.

Key Deliverables

  • Organisational Communications Strategy: A refreshed organisation-wide communications strategy, covering brand voice, framing and public engagement priorities.
  • Messaging Framework: A strategic messaging guide that sets tone, language, and positioning across priority areas (e.g. feminist advocacy, care work, survivor justice, workplace equality).
  • 40th Anniversary Campaign Strategy: A communications plan and narrative strategy for AWARE’s 40th Anniversary, including campaign themes, audience engagement, and platform use.
  • Digital Engagement Playbook: Strategic recommendations for growth and tone across key digital platforms (e.g. Instagram, TikTok, LinkedIn).
  • Crisis Comms Protocols: Review and refine (as necessary) guidelines for handling communications responses to reputational risk and politically sensitive issues.
  • Campaign Proposal(s): At least one bold, mission-aligned campaign proposal with key messages and rollout strategy.
  • Strategic Oversight of Public Outputs: Ongoing input and final sign-off on major comms products (e.g. press statements, advocacy materials, campaign assets)
  • Mentorship & Capacity Support: Documented strategic advice and capacity-building provided to Comms team, including recommendations on role clarity and execution.

To apply, please email your resume, cover letter and two references to ed@aware.org.sg by 29 April 2025.

Please note, only shortlisted applicants will be contacted for an interview. If you have any questions about this position, please email careers@aware.org.sg.

What the Chia controversy reveals about us all

This op-ed was originally published in Jom Media on 2 April 2025.

Over the past week, a LinkedIn post by lawyer Chia Boon Teck—commenting on a sexual assault case—has become a flashpoint for public reaction. In his post, Chia highlighted the complainant’s use of a dating app, her job and her choices on the night of the incident. The fact that someone who had risen to a leadership position in his profession felt it acceptable to post such views so publicly was extraordinary. So was the overwhelming response it provoked.

This has become an unprecedented case study in public attitudes towards sexual violence. Some readers agreed with his framing, interpreting the survivor’s choices—her profession, her use of a dating app, and her decision to enter a man’s bedroom to continue their work—as evidence of consent. This, despite the fact that she had said, “No” to him, and spent 13 days giving testimony under cross-examination in Court, which was found by the court to be “unusually convincing.”

Others responded with indignation and strong disapproval, recognising the ways these narratives mirror long-standing rape myths.

For many survivors, the Chia post may have been re-traumatising, triggering the fears they often grapple with when deciding whether to report: that the process will prolong their pain, delay closure, and that even if the courts find them credible, they may still face judgment in the court of public opinion.

Reporting sexual assault takes immense courage. It is often driven by a desire for justice—and the hope that speaking up might protect someone else. Survivors deserve support, not scrutiny.

This polarisation of values has been building for some time—an early milestone was #MeToo, which empowered more survivors to speak up, knowing that there were other survivors who were willing to speak up. The internet has made it possible for survivors to more easily find solidarity, and has empowered them with the appropriate language to call out injustice.

But it has also given rise to spaces where misogyny thrives, sometimes repackaged as pragmatism or masculine wisdom, and even legal insight. Rape myths, victim blaming, and doubt toward women’s credibility are now dressed in new language, but the core ideas remain chillingly familiar.

Chia’s post captured this perfectly. It expressed deep scepticism—grounded not in the relevant facts of the case, but in the complainant’s dating choices and her job. These were not legal arguments. They were cultural ones. And by framing them as legal insight, the Chia post reinforced a dangerous message: that women who do not conform to traditional ideals of femininity are less believable. That if you go to a man’s house, you are responsible for what happens next. These ideas aren’t just wrong—they are harmful.

What followed matters. This is how norms shift, not always through policies or penalties, but through collective discomfort. The strong public response—lawyer Stefanie Thio’s critique, AWARE’s statement, and countless comments online—was a moment of collective reflection. It showed that we are capable of recognising when something is wrong and responding—publicly, constructively, and with clarity. The result: Chia took the post down and resigned from his position as vice president of the Law Society.

Importantly, many men, including K Shanmugam, the minister for law and home affairs, spoke out against the post. Their intervention showed that rejecting misogyny isn’t a “women’s issue”—it’s a professional, ethical, and human one.

And yet, the work ahead is uphill. This is not an isolated incident. It is part of a broader global pattern, in which misogynistic worldviews are being mainstreamed through digital spaces. The rise of influencers like Andrew Tate, the growing reach of the manosphere, and the increasing pushback against women’s progress all point to a cultural shift that we can no longer ignore.

Many men today are grappling with rapid economic change, job insecurity, and a sense of lost identity in a world that no longer guarantees them the same pathways to status or stability. In that vacuum, some turn to influencers who offer a clear—if distorted—narrative: that feminism and women are to blame, and that reclaiming power means rejecting equality.

But this changing world doesn’t strip men of responsibility. Understanding the challenges men are facing now does not mean excusing the harm. Each man still makes a choice: to lean into empathy, or to retreat into resentment. Misogyny is not inevitable. It is a choice.

The Netflix series “Adolescence”, which explores the toxic impact of social media and misogynistic influencers on teenage boys, was recently referenced by Keir Starmer, British prime minister, in Parliament as part of a broader call to address online misogyny.

In Australia, education authorities are developing training to support teachers, especially female teachers, dealing with harassment from students repeating “manosphere” rhetoric. In Singapore, AWARE has received anecdotal accounts of young boys being influenced by Tate and engaging in collective bullying of young female teachers.

We hope that this important cultural moment carries the following messages to different readers.

To survivors: we know this moment was painful. To see your credibility questioned publicly again—based not on evidence, but on assumptions about behaviour—can reopen wounds. But the fact that so many pushed back, and so vocally, is a reminder that you are not alone.

To bystanders: your role matters. About 20 percent of calls to AWARE’s Sexual Assault Care Centre come from friends or people supporting survivors. This moment showed that speaking up makes a difference—not just for the individual case, but for broader norms.

To men: if you’ve felt uneasy reading comments like Chia’s, or seen them echoed in your circles, that discomfort is telling. If you recognise the harm, do something. You don’t always need to speak up loudly. Even small actions—refusing to laugh, not nodding along, walking away—send a signal.

To parents, not just of boys, but of all children: this is the time to pay attention. Ask what your kids are watching, who they follow online, what messages they’re absorbing about gender, power, and respect. These aren’t small questions. They shape worldviews.

If there’s anything to take away from this moment, it’s that we are not where we were 10 years ago. The old rules didn’t hold. People responded—and that matters. Misogyny thrives in silence. So let’s keep speaking.

Corinna Lim is the Executive Director of AWARE.

Photograph by Ehimetalor Akhere Unuabona on Unsplash.

Why even well-meaning men fall for rape myths

Photograph by Muhamad Iqbal Akbar on Unsplash.

This op-ed was originally published in The Straits Times on 29 March 2025.

The conversation started with “There’s always two sides to a coin”, and “Of course there’s still no excuse for a man, even if a woman is standing there stark naked, acting drunk and not wanting to cover up”.

Like everyone in Singapore this week, it seems, I was having a chat with some friends about Mr Chia Boon Teck’s blatant victim-blaming. Mr Chia, who has stepped down as Law Society vice-president, had questioned a rape victim’s actions and cited her occupation as an actress-model in his now-deleted LinkedIn post. It sounded like JT (not his real name) and I were broadly on the same page.

But then the conversation took a different turn. JT felt that “in some situations, women have a part to play which they will refuse to acknowledge”. His examples were “people who dress and act provocatively”. He agreed that this did not mean they asked to be raped, but he felt this “predisposes” them to being raped.

I was perplexed. He seemed to agree that that was no excuse for a man to rape a woman, yet he still felt she had a “part to play” in her rape. Anecdotal evidence of other conversations in Singapore this week indicated he is not alone.

I asked JT how it predisposed the woman to being raped. “Are they required to dress in a certain way so that a man doesn’t get the wrong assumption that she wants sex? I mean whatever she wore, if she says ‘no’ and he forces her to have sex, that’s rape, plain and simple. Whatever she wore… Do women bear responsibility for the possibility that a man may get an idea she’s ‘easy’ because of her dressing and behaviour?”

JT is a very smart, educated, accomplished man with strong virtues. I like him. We spar on occasion but it’s a discourse, not an argument.

I pursued my line of enquiry: “It’s OK to change your mind. It’s OK to decide ‘actually I’m not feeling it with him – I want to stop’. Are we saying that’s not OK?… Because rape is simply that: Did she consent or not?”

‘But why test the waters?’

He agreed that a woman was entitled to change her mind, but he said that “men can be evil, and (use her) actions as an excuse to (interpret it as) a ‘yes’, especially when they think they can get away with it. I feel that a sensible woman shouldn’t test the waters like that, even if she won’t be punished legally for it.”

I was beginning to understand why he saw women as bearing responsibility. I tried a different approach: “I get that we would want to be careful so as not to get robbed, or into an accident or raped. But we shouldn’t frame it in our minds as women being predisposed to it or playing a part because that carries the implied view that they are to blame in some way… If a man doesn’t respect her ‘no’ and rapes her, it’s all on him.”

JT agreed readily that it was legally rape if there was no consent, yet he felt the woman was only blameless “in the eyes of the law”. He was still holding on to some vestigial blame. Using the analogy of a robber breaking into a house that the owner left unlocked, JT said that “relying solely on the law to prevent rape has its limitations. Just like policing the estate cannot prevent all break-ins”.

We were getting somewhere now – I now understood that in his view, women needed to do their part to be safe and not expect rape laws to protect them from being raped. That was the nub of his “blame” on women.

I realised I had to show how thoughts like these translate into rape myths and victim-blaming: “Yes, but when there are break-ins, the fault is on the robber. The problems relating to victim-blaming stem from these rape myths, which are untrue beliefs that lay blame for the rape on women. Untrue beliefs. Like a woman is asking for it when she dresses sexily and flirts in a bar.

“The issue of whether that woman is considered of low moral values is a moral judgment an individual chooses to make based on their own set of values. But whatever the view of the morality of the woman, are you saying she does not have the right to say ‘no’ to sex after all that? Just simply that: Does she have a right to say ‘no’?”

It was a breakthrough moment. “Agreed. Of course she has the right to say ‘no’,” said JT, but something still nagged his mind: “Practically speaking, won’t you advise the house owner to lock his doors?” This housebreaking analogy was really being worn thin!

But I saw where the gap between us lay and made an attempt to bridge it: “I get the point that she shouldn’t have made things worse by ‘leading him on’ or flirting so outrageously with him. He got turned on. He expected this was going to lead to sex.

“Then she got totally drunk and now cannot agree to sex. Or now she suddenly changes her mind and decides she wants to go home. Every which way you look at it, she cannot consent (if drunk) or she actually said ‘no’. ‘No’ just means ‘no’. She doesn’t want sex. If a man then forces himself on her, in what blessed way is that OK? He can be angry with her… but can he force sex on her? That’s wrong. Morally and legally.”

Why myths are a problem

I placed these rape myths in context: “The reason why these rape myths are a big issue with rape, and why there is all this pushback against rape myths, is that … (police) were using that to start assuming the woman consented to sex – because she dressed sexy, because she flirted, etc. They gave victims a hard time during interrogation…. And defence lawyers used rape myths like this to try to persuade a judge that ‘look, she went on a Tinder date, she dressed like this, she flirted with him – obviously she consented to sex’. And judges (who believed in) rape myths allowed such questioning and would sometimes agree that she must have consented simply because of such things. The rape myths had these far-reaching consequences. When actually the issue is, was there consent? (You) cannot assume that just because a woman dressed sexy, she wanted sex. You cannot assume that just because a woman flirted like that, she wanted sex. You have to establish consent or lack of consent.”

It seemed only right to bring it home with a housebreaking analogy: “When a house owner is careless and gets robbed, nobody vilifies or rakes him over the coals in the police station or at trial for leaving his door unlocked. The focus is clearly on the blameworthy criminal, not the house owner. Rape victims are not treated in the same way. That’s why victim-blaming is so wrong for rape victims.”

The penny dropped. JT replied: “I see your point. If the police give (rape victims) less respect than they should, and the defence lawyer tries to twist his way into (arguing that the accused is innocent), then the law has to be stated that way, and that attitude done away with.” Eureka!

I ended our exchange with another housebreaking analogy – after all, it had served me well: “The goods in the house did not belong to the robber. He had no right to take them. The woman’s body did not belong to the man. He had no right to use it for his pleasure.” And with that, JT and I were on the same page, and still friends.

Another friend, PL (also not his real name), interjected with a real-life example: “(Just) wanted to share this; the house down the street from us got burgled last year and my next-door neighbour said they were asking for it because they spent a small fortune renovating the house a few months earlier!” You can’t pay good money for a better or more well-timed example of ludicrous victim-blaming to drive the message home!

The pushback against victim-blaming does not mean that women should not take steps to safeguard their safety. That is just common-sense practice. But regardless of whether she did or did not do so, a survivor of rape does not bear any blame for her rape. Victim-blaming arises from rape myths, and rape myths are a result of misogyny and sexism. There is no place for such attitudes in Singapore.

And the justice system should focus on the perpetrator. That is why the Chief Justice has put in a new framework to ensure survivors of sexual assaults like rape are cross-examined in a way that elicits evidence that is relevant to the case, and that rape myths are not perpetuated in the courtrooms.

The law is changing. As a society, we need to change too. I learnt from my conversation with JT the value of open conversations like this: We must engage, learn and change harmful attitudes.

The trauma inflicted on survivors of rape is severe. It does not require bruises and battery to inflict harm. The psychological and emotional harm caused to survivors from having their bodies used by someone else – without their consent – is often worse than the physical harm. Survivors need help, empathy and understanding from the people around them and whom they turn to for help.

Let’s banish one more rape myth: According to the Ministry of Home Affairs (based on data on reported cases of serious sexual crimes from 2014 to 2018), the incidence of false reporting in Singapore was only 4 per cent. In almost every case, survivors are telling the truth. It’s time we listened.

Sugidha Nithiananthan is the Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE.

AWARE’s Response to the Public Consultation on Enhancing Online Safety

If you encounter a post online that sexually violates you, the difference between taking the post down within hours, versus taking a week, means everything.

In a space where people can rapidly share, download and repost sexually abusive content, survivors deserve fast action to immediately address these online harms without delay. AWARE has long advocated for an agency that can order quick takedown of offending material without involving lengthy court proceedings.

AWARE is thus encouraged by the Ministry of Law’s and Ministry of Digital Development and Information’s proposal to set up a government agency dedicated to supporting victims of online harms, with powers to help them get timely assistance.

The ministries sent out a public consultation on some aspects of their proposed legislation, and AWARE submitted its response to them on 20 December, 2024. We recommended that the agency and the commissioner should be offices independent from the government. We also made the following recommendations.

Remedial Actions and Support for Survivors

We are pleased to note that the agency will deal with intimate image abuse, online harassment and child abuse material, among other categories of online harms. We recommended that the definition of intimate image abuse be expanded to include sextortion and non-consensual communication of sexual images.

We also recommended that there be a time frame within which the order for takedown of offending material by the agency should be complied with (preferably 24 hours), together with a temporary takedown order upon receipt of a complaint by the agency, while it investigates the matter.

Deterrence can be key to preventing technology-facilitated sexual violence (TFSV). We applaud the proposal to make online harms, such as intimate image abuse, child abuse material and online harassment, statutory torts and to empower the agency to disclose the identity of perpetrators to survivors. This will enable survivors to know the identity of the perpetrators and seek redress against them, such as damages (which are usually monetary compensation). We recommended the expansion of the list of online harms designated statutory torts to include “misuse of personal information” (which is defined as an online harm but was not included as a statutory tort).

We also suggested the inclusion of an alternative form of dispute resolution such as an apology law, available in jurisdictions such as the USA, Canada and Hong Kong, where offenders are encouraged to make a statement of remorse to survivors without risk of it being used against them in court.

We also recommended that agency officials who will be dealing with survivors should undergo training on trauma-informed approaches to adopt, and that support measures, such as counselling and a trauma-informed trained befriender, be provided by the agency to assist survivors.

Wide Ambit of Some Proposed Online Harms Could Lead to Potential Misuse or Abuse

We are concerned with the wide ambit of 2 types of proposed online harms: “online statements instigating disproportionate harm,” and “statements affecting reputation”:

(i) The proposed ambit of “online statements instigating disproportionate harm” is too broad and capable of misuse if the parameters of this online harm is not clear. We recommended that:

  • The types of “harm” to be covered should be clarified (for example physical, reputation, emotional, psychological)
  • The assessment of whether a harm is disproportionate and warrants action should be based on the level of seriousness of the harm, and not whether it is “unjustifiable harm.”

(ii) The online harm of “statements affecting reputation” concerns us because the proposed ambit is extremely wide and susceptible to being used to suppress the truth, erode freedom of speech and police opinions. It goes very far beyond the scope of the tort of defamation and extends to factually correct statements and also opinions that lower the estimation of a person.

We recommended that: This harm should only be restricted to false statements and should not extend to factually correct statements and opinions. The internet has been valuable in exposing abuses of power, and we recommended that spaces that allow for truth and for issues and matters of genuine concern to be raised, should be protected even as we ensure harms are eradicated.This harm should be combined with the proposed online harm of “false statements”.

Given that the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) already provides protection, it may be worth specifying that this legislation will not cover false statements that fall within POFMA.

Click here to read our full response to the public consultation.

Photograph by Taqqy RB on Unsplash.

26 April 2025: AWARE’s 40th Annual General Meeting 2025 (Hybrid)

Join us at AWARE’s 40th Annual General Meeting (AGM) on Saturday, 26 April 2025, at 2pm! This will be our first hybrid AGM so members will be able to join us at the AWARE Centre (recommended) or virtually via Zoom if you are not able to attend in person.

Please refer to the Notice for the 40th Annual General Meeting

If you are a current member*, kindly RSVP your attendance (in-person or on Zoom) via Eventbrite by Friday, 18 April. Please note that if your membership has expired or is close to expiry, you will need to renew it to attend the AGM. 

We’ll be presenting our key achievements and challenges from 2024, and we welcome your questions, comments, and suggestions as we continue to shape AWARE’s work ahead.  

We will be providing some light refreshments at the AGM. This is a fantastic opportunity to mingle with fellow members, reconnect with old acquaintances, and form new connections. For those new to AWARE, it’s a great chance to learn more about our community and for us to learn more about you.

If you have any questions or concerns, please don’t hesitate to contact Aqilah at membership@aware.org.sg.

Date: Saturday, 26 April 2025
Time: 2pm to 6pm
Venue: AWARE Centre (5 Dover Crescent, #01-22, Singapore 130005) or online via Zoom

RSVP

*This event is open to current members, renewed members whose past membership lapsed not earlier than 26 April 2023, and new members who joined us as a member on 15 March 2025 and before. We look forward to seeing you there!