Author: Comms Executive

Why even well-meaning men fall for rape myths

Photograph by Muhamad Iqbal Akbar on Unsplash.

This op-ed was originally published in The Straits Times on 29 March 2025.

The conversation started with “There’s always two sides to a coin”, and “Of course there’s still no excuse for a man, even if a woman is standing there stark naked, acting drunk and not wanting to cover up”.

Like everyone in Singapore this week, it seems, I was having a chat with some friends about Mr Chia Boon Teck’s blatant victim-blaming. Mr Chia, who has stepped down as Law Society vice-president, had questioned a rape victim’s actions and cited her occupation as an actress-model in his now-deleted LinkedIn post. It sounded like JT (not his real name) and I were broadly on the same page.

But then the conversation took a different turn. JT felt that “in some situations, women have a part to play which they will refuse to acknowledge”. His examples were “people who dress and act provocatively”. He agreed that this did not mean they asked to be raped, but he felt this “predisposes” them to being raped.

I was perplexed. He seemed to agree that that was no excuse for a man to rape a woman, yet he still felt she had a “part to play” in her rape. Anecdotal evidence of other conversations in Singapore this week indicated he is not alone.

I asked JT how it predisposed the woman to being raped. “Are they required to dress in a certain way so that a man doesn’t get the wrong assumption that she wants sex? I mean whatever she wore, if she says ‘no’ and he forces her to have sex, that’s rape, plain and simple. Whatever she wore… Do women bear responsibility for the possibility that a man may get an idea she’s ‘easy’ because of her dressing and behaviour?”

JT is a very smart, educated, accomplished man with strong virtues. I like him. We spar on occasion but it’s a discourse, not an argument.

I pursued my line of enquiry: “It’s OK to change your mind. It’s OK to decide ‘actually I’m not feeling it with him – I want to stop’. Are we saying that’s not OK?… Because rape is simply that: Did she consent or not?”

‘But why test the waters?’

He agreed that a woman was entitled to change her mind, but he said that “men can be evil, and (use her) actions as an excuse to (interpret it as) a ‘yes’, especially when they think they can get away with it. I feel that a sensible woman shouldn’t test the waters like that, even if she won’t be punished legally for it.”

I was beginning to understand why he saw women as bearing responsibility. I tried a different approach: “I get that we would want to be careful so as not to get robbed, or into an accident or raped. But we shouldn’t frame it in our minds as women being predisposed to it or playing a part because that carries the implied view that they are to blame in some way… If a man doesn’t respect her ‘no’ and rapes her, it’s all on him.”

JT agreed readily that it was legally rape if there was no consent, yet he felt the woman was only blameless “in the eyes of the law”. He was still holding on to some vestigial blame. Using the analogy of a robber breaking into a house that the owner left unlocked, JT said that “relying solely on the law to prevent rape has its limitations. Just like policing the estate cannot prevent all break-ins”.

We were getting somewhere now – I now understood that in his view, women needed to do their part to be safe and not expect rape laws to protect them from being raped. That was the nub of his “blame” on women.

I realised I had to show how thoughts like these translate into rape myths and victim-blaming: “Yes, but when there are break-ins, the fault is on the robber. The problems relating to victim-blaming stem from these rape myths, which are untrue beliefs that lay blame for the rape on women. Untrue beliefs. Like a woman is asking for it when she dresses sexily and flirts in a bar.

“The issue of whether that woman is considered of low moral values is a moral judgment an individual chooses to make based on their own set of values. But whatever the view of the morality of the woman, are you saying she does not have the right to say ‘no’ to sex after all that? Just simply that: Does she have a right to say ‘no’?”

It was a breakthrough moment. “Agreed. Of course she has the right to say ‘no’,” said JT, but something still nagged his mind: “Practically speaking, won’t you advise the house owner to lock his doors?” This housebreaking analogy was really being worn thin!

But I saw where the gap between us lay and made an attempt to bridge it: “I get the point that she shouldn’t have made things worse by ‘leading him on’ or flirting so outrageously with him. He got turned on. He expected this was going to lead to sex.

“Then she got totally drunk and now cannot agree to sex. Or now she suddenly changes her mind and decides she wants to go home. Every which way you look at it, she cannot consent (if drunk) or she actually said ‘no’. ‘No’ just means ‘no’. She doesn’t want sex. If a man then forces himself on her, in what blessed way is that OK? He can be angry with her… but can he force sex on her? That’s wrong. Morally and legally.”

Why myths are a problem

I placed these rape myths in context: “The reason why these rape myths are a big issue with rape, and why there is all this pushback against rape myths, is that … (police) were using that to start assuming the woman consented to sex – because she dressed sexy, because she flirted, etc. They gave victims a hard time during interrogation…. And defence lawyers used rape myths like this to try to persuade a judge that ‘look, she went on a Tinder date, she dressed like this, she flirted with him – obviously she consented to sex’. And judges (who believed in) rape myths allowed such questioning and would sometimes agree that she must have consented simply because of such things. The rape myths had these far-reaching consequences. When actually the issue is, was there consent? (You) cannot assume that just because a woman dressed sexy, she wanted sex. You cannot assume that just because a woman flirted like that, she wanted sex. You have to establish consent or lack of consent.”

It seemed only right to bring it home with a housebreaking analogy: “When a house owner is careless and gets robbed, nobody vilifies or rakes him over the coals in the police station or at trial for leaving his door unlocked. The focus is clearly on the blameworthy criminal, not the house owner. Rape victims are not treated in the same way. That’s why victim-blaming is so wrong for rape victims.”

The penny dropped. JT replied: “I see your point. If the police give (rape victims) less respect than they should, and the defence lawyer tries to twist his way into (arguing that the accused is innocent), then the law has to be stated that way, and that attitude done away with.” Eureka!

I ended our exchange with another housebreaking analogy – after all, it had served me well: “The goods in the house did not belong to the robber. He had no right to take them. The woman’s body did not belong to the man. He had no right to use it for his pleasure.” And with that, JT and I were on the same page, and still friends.

Another friend, PL (also not his real name), interjected with a real-life example: “(Just) wanted to share this; the house down the street from us got burgled last year and my next-door neighbour said they were asking for it because they spent a small fortune renovating the house a few months earlier!” You can’t pay good money for a better or more well-timed example of ludicrous victim-blaming to drive the message home!

The pushback against victim-blaming does not mean that women should not take steps to safeguard their safety. That is just common-sense practice. But regardless of whether she did or did not do so, a survivor of rape does not bear any blame for her rape. Victim-blaming arises from rape myths, and rape myths are a result of misogyny and sexism. There is no place for such attitudes in Singapore.

And the justice system should focus on the perpetrator. That is why the Chief Justice has put in a new framework to ensure survivors of sexual assaults like rape are cross-examined in a way that elicits evidence that is relevant to the case, and that rape myths are not perpetuated in the courtrooms.

The law is changing. As a society, we need to change too. I learnt from my conversation with JT the value of open conversations like this: We must engage, learn and change harmful attitudes.

The trauma inflicted on survivors of rape is severe. It does not require bruises and battery to inflict harm. The psychological and emotional harm caused to survivors from having their bodies used by someone else – without their consent – is often worse than the physical harm. Survivors need help, empathy and understanding from the people around them and whom they turn to for help.

Let’s banish one more rape myth: According to the Ministry of Home Affairs (based on data on reported cases of serious sexual crimes from 2014 to 2018), the incidence of false reporting in Singapore was only 4 per cent. In almost every case, survivors are telling the truth. It’s time we listened.

Sugidha Nithiananthan is the Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE.

AWARE’s Response to the Public Consultation on Enhancing Online Safety

If you encounter a post online that sexually violates you, the difference between taking the post down within hours, versus taking a week, means everything.

In a space where people can rapidly share, download and repost sexually abusive content, survivors deserve fast action to immediately address these online harms without delay. AWARE has long advocated for an agency that can order quick takedown of offending material without involving lengthy court proceedings.

AWARE is thus encouraged by the Ministry of Law’s and Ministry of Digital Development and Information’s proposal to set up a government agency dedicated to supporting victims of online harms, with powers to help them get timely assistance.

The ministries sent out a public consultation on some aspects of their proposed legislation, and AWARE submitted its response to them on 20 December, 2024. We recommended that the agency and the commissioner should be offices independent from the government. We also made the following recommendations.

Remedial Actions and Support for Survivors

We are pleased to note that the agency will deal with intimate image abuse, online harassment and child abuse material, among other categories of online harms. We recommended that the definition of intimate image abuse be expanded to include sextortion and non-consensual communication of sexual images.

We also recommended that there be a time frame within which the order for takedown of offending material by the agency should be complied with (preferably 24 hours), together with a temporary takedown order upon receipt of a complaint by the agency, while it investigates the matter.

Deterrence can be key to preventing technology-facilitated sexual violence (TFSV). We applaud the proposal to make online harms, such as intimate image abuse, child abuse material and online harassment, statutory torts and to empower the agency to disclose the identity of perpetrators to survivors. This will enable survivors to know the identity of the perpetrators and seek redress against them, such as damages (which are usually monetary compensation). We recommended the expansion of the list of online harms designated statutory torts to include “misuse of personal information” (which is defined as an online harm but was not included as a statutory tort).

We also suggested the inclusion of an alternative form of dispute resolution such as an apology law, available in jurisdictions such as the USA, Canada and Hong Kong, where offenders are encouraged to make a statement of remorse to survivors without risk of it being used against them in court.

We also recommended that agency officials who will be dealing with survivors should undergo training on trauma-informed approaches to adopt, and that support measures, such as counselling and a trauma-informed trained befriender, be provided by the agency to assist survivors.

Wide Ambit of Some Proposed Online Harms Could Lead to Potential Misuse or Abuse

We are concerned with the wide ambit of 2 types of proposed online harms: “online statements instigating disproportionate harm,” and “statements affecting reputation”:

(i) The proposed ambit of “online statements instigating disproportionate harm” is too broad and capable of misuse if the parameters of this online harm is not clear. We recommended that:

  • The types of “harm” to be covered should be clarified (for example physical, reputation, emotional, psychological)
  • The assessment of whether a harm is disproportionate and warrants action should be based on the level of seriousness of the harm, and not whether it is “unjustifiable harm.”

(ii) The online harm of “statements affecting reputation” concerns us because the proposed ambit is extremely wide and susceptible to being used to suppress the truth, erode freedom of speech and police opinions. It goes very far beyond the scope of the tort of defamation and extends to factually correct statements and also opinions that lower the estimation of a person.

We recommended that: This harm should only be restricted to false statements and should not extend to factually correct statements and opinions. The internet has been valuable in exposing abuses of power, and we recommended that spaces that allow for truth and for issues and matters of genuine concern to be raised, should be protected even as we ensure harms are eradicated.This harm should be combined with the proposed online harm of “false statements”.

Given that the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) already provides protection, it may be worth specifying that this legislation will not cover false statements that fall within POFMA.

Click here to read our full response to the public consultation.

Photograph by Taqqy RB on Unsplash.

Forum: Let’s stop blaming the victim for being raped

This forum letter was originally published in The Straits Times on 26 March 2025.

We were shocked by the then Law Society vice-president’s statements posted recently on social media, and then deleted, which perpetuated the most basic rape myths to imply that a survivor of rape consented to intercourse and was not raped (Concerns of sexual assault victims should not be minimised or dismissed: Shanmugam, March 24; and Singapore-based TikToker found guilty of raping woman he met on Tinder, March 21).

It is more appalling that Mr Chia Boon Teck defended himself by saying that he spoke as a criminal lawyer, when both Chief Justice Sundaresh Menon and Justice Vincent Hoong unequivocally stated last year in the High Court that the perpetuation of rape myths has no place in our justice system. Rape myths are untrue assumptions and beliefs about why rapes happen, focusing blame on the survivor.

But we want to focus on the impact of such statements. Survivors of rape and other sexual assaults often have a hard time recounting the details of their assault to anyone. This is because of the trauma experienced from the assault. In the past, when they found the courage to do so, they often faced:

  • suspicious police officers, who tended to believe the rape myths which blamed the women survivors for the assault;
  • defence lawyers who exploited rape myths to defend their clients; and
  • judges who allowed lines of questioning perpetuating rape myths.

We were therefore heartened by the judgments of Chief Justice Menon and Justice Hoong last year that set the record straight on what was relevant.

Views such as those expressed by Mr Chia stop many survivors from reporting sexual assaults. At AWARE’s Sexual Assault Care Centre, we hear from survivors who grapple with whether to file an official report, and seven out of 10 choose not to. The most common reason is the fear of disbelief.

Let us be clear:

  • Agreeing to go on a date via Tinder is not consent to sex.
  • Going to a man’s bedroom and sitting on his bed is not consent to sex.
  • Being a 30-year-old actress and model is not consent to sex.

The fact that there were multiple assaults does not imply that she must have consented to sex because it was a prolonged encounter. In fact, this accentuates the extent of the assault and trauma that she suffered. And, most importantly, “No” means “No”. How did the survivor’s “No” progress to “Yes” in the accused’s mind is the question to ask.

No woman should have to defend her character, clothing, profession or dating history when she has been sexually assaulted. Rape is a crime. Let’s stop blaming the victim for being raped.

Sugidha Nithiananthan is the Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE.

Forum: Let foreign parents of Singaporean children automatically qualify as PRs

This forum letter was originally published in The Straits Times on 25 March 2025.

We refer to the article “Married without kids? It’s becoming a lot more common in Singapore these days”, on the total fertility rate (TFR) of Singapore for 2024 remaining at an all-time low of 0.97, the same as 2023.

There are many reasons why couples might not have children. Some do not want them; some would, given better financial circumstances or work-life balance; and some cannot due to fertility issues.

The Government has introduced many measures to help, such as reduced pre-school fees, childcare subsidies for non-working mothers, the doubling of paternity leave to four weeks, the new shared parental leave of 10 weeks, and subsidised rates for assisted reproduction technology treatments.

These benefits are helpful, but current trends suggest they do not go far enough to reverse the TFR trend.

Speaking at a citizenship ceremony on March 9, Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong said the low TFR necessitated bringing in “more people, more talent, more contributions”.

Given how immigration is positioned as a solution to the TFR’s steady decline, it is past time for us to reconsider our policies regarding the many Singaporean families with non-citizen family members.

In the last 10 years, more than a third of marriages each year were between a citizen and a non-citizen. These foreigners are closely linked to Singapore and have planted their roots here. In 2023, 23 per cent of all babies born had one citizen and one non-citizen parent. Despite this, many foreign parents of Singapore citizens are not given residency status.

These are Singaporean families. We recommend that foreign parents of Singaporean children automatically qualify as permanent residents (PRs) in Singapore. Being guaranteed their ability to stay here for the long term is critical to the well-being of their children and the stability of their whole family.

They are also the best candidates for successful integration. Not only have they contributed to increasing the number of citizen births in Singapore, but by putting down roots here the immigrants in these families have already demonstrated their commitment to calling Singapore home.

In 2023, 26.2 per cent of marriages were between a citizen and a non-resident. As transnational couples continue to make up a sizeable portion of all new marriages, more should be done to support them in making their lives in Singapore. Singapore should demonstrate its commitment to being Made For Families, even if one parent is not a citizen. The additional security may even encourage more people to have more children. This is a win-win for Singapore.

Ruby Thiagarajan is the senior researcher at AWARE.

Advocating for gender equality must not be seen as contentious

Includes photograph of Sim Ann by a photographer working with Ministry of Communications and Information, with a Creative Commons License CC BY-SA 4.0. Includes screenshot of a Straits Times article by Tham Yuen-C.

This forum letter was originally published in The Straits Times on 14 March 2025.

The recent remarks by PAP Women’s Wing chair Sim Ann reflect views that reinforce gender stereotypes (Singapore forges own path to women’s development, says PAP Women’s Wing chair Sim Ann, March 9). Take for example her view that “by allowing eligible young couples to apply for Housing Board flats, women learn to run their own households from young”. Her comments reflect outdated gender norms that reinforce caregiving and household responsibilities as the woman’s burden.

We are also troubled by her description of feminism as divisive and adversarial. Why is feminism – an idea rooted in equality – seen as divisive? Feminism does not seek to advance women at the expense of men. It calls for fairness, shared responsibilities, and equal opportunities for all genders. If we are advocating for equality, why is that seen as contentious?

Beyond this, the idea that a key role of the PAP Women’s Wing is to “plan community activities, welcome newcomers and interact with constituents” signals a troubling view in the apex women’s body of the PAP about the role of women’s leadership. Women’s advocacy in such an important sphere should not be reduced to social hosting – it should be about shaping policies, especially those that advance gender equity.

The Prime Minister has acknowledged that women should not be pigeon-holed into these stereotypical roles. During his National Day Rally speech in 2024, he said that women these days “have every opportunity to excel in their careers. It’s not possible for them to pursue their goals and still carry a heavier share of the caregiving and housework responsibilities. So fathers must play a bigger role”.

He noted that deeply ingrained beliefs about men as “breadwinners” and women as “caregivers” must evolve. We would expect the Women’s Wing to lead the efforts on this front.

So, it was therefore disappointing to see this public interview, given to mark International Women’s Day, reinforce outdated roles instead of pushing for progress.

The United Nations Committee on the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women reminded Singapore in May 2024 that a country like ours should be aiming for 50 per cent representation in leadership roles, not comparing itself to the global average.

It would have been encouraging to see the Women’s Wing champion this push for equality, rather than simply celebrating the current number of women MPs (29 per cent) while accepting that leadership is still seen as a male domain.

When asked whether women ministers can take over portfolios like finance and defence, the Women’s Wing chair missed the opportunity to speak of the equal ability of women to do such jobs.

Women have made up half of Singapore’s graduates since 2013, yet only 15 per cent of our Cabinet ministers are women. Instead, Ms Sim talked about societal attitudes and how women today need to pave the way for others. This is indeed the pace of “quiet advocacy”.

The low total fertility rate in Singapore and many developed countries is no coincidence. Many women delay or opt out of marriage and motherhood not because they don’t want families, but because gender roles remain rigid, workplaces are slow to adapt, and caregiving remains undervalued. This is a societal issue, not a women’s issue.

Yet, the Women’s Wing’s advocacy plans for this year are focused on getting people to date, marry and procreate.

It would have been far more encouraging for women in Singapore to see the Women’s Wing focus on equal opportunities for women in the workplace, overcoming the “motherhood penalty” women face and push for retirement adequacy for women who are still bearing the unequal burden of caregiving.

The White Paper on Women’s Development spoke of a clear vision for gender equality in Singapore, one where women and men share opportunities and responsibilities equally.

But vision alone is not enough, and we need more than just “quiet advocacy” – we need clear commitments, stronger policies, and determined pushes for cultural shifts that reflect the reality of modern life and the aspirations of Singaporeans, both women and men.

Corinna Lim is the Executive Director of AWARE.

Forum: Strengthening early childhood education may help protect at-risk children

This forum letter was originally published in The Straits Times on 6 March 2025.

The tragic case of four-year-old Megan Khung – fatally abused by her mother and her partner – exposes deep gaps in the systems meant to protect vulnerable children (Couple abused 4-year-old girl for more than a year, burned her body after she died, Feb 28).

While the perpetrators bear full responsibility for their heinous acts, this case raises urgent questions about the societal and systemic failures that allowed such prolonged abuse to go undetected and unprevented.

As a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Singapore has committed to upholding children’s fundamental rights, including their right to safety, education, and protection from abuse. This case underscores the need for stronger measures to fulfil these commitments.

One glaring concern is the apparent lack of intervention despite indications of abuse.

The article raises the question if neighbours, relatives or pre-school teachers noticed signs of distress but felt unequipped or hesitant to report it. Red flags and early warning signs being overlooked highlight the need for stronger community education on identifying and reporting abuse, as well as assurances that reports will be taken seriously.

This case also reflects broader societal issues – bystander apathy and the stigma surrounding family violence. Many fear interfering in “private matters”, yet silence enables abuse to persist.

Creating a culture of shared responsibility for child welfare is essential, so that everyone feels both supported and encouraged to take action when they have concerns about a child’s safety.

Currently, under Singapore’s Compulsory Education Act, all children must attend primary school, ensuring education for all with some level of state oversight of their well-being.

The expansion of affordable pre-school education in Singapore presents a valuable opportunity to strengthen child protection efforts. One critical step forward is making it mandatory for all pre-schools to introduce body safety, boundaries and abuse prevention education for children aged four to six. Teaching young children these concepts in an age-appropriate way empowers them to seek help when needed and fosters a culture where abuse is recognised and reported earlier.

As pre-school placements continue to increase, it may also be time to consider whether pre-school education should be made compulsory. A structured pre-school environment provides not only early learning benefits but also an additional layer of protection, where trained educators can observe and report signs of neglect or abuse.

Strengthening early childhood education in these ways would be a meaningful investment in safeguarding children and preventing harm.

Bharathi Manogaran is AWARE’s Deputy Executive Director.

AWARE’s response to Budget Statement 2025

An extract of this article was sent to the press on 18 Feb 2025.

The Budget 2025 statement on 18 February promised some important measures  to support seniors and caregivers. The new Matched MediSave Scheme is a welcome step, helping low-income seniors build healthcare savings—but many may struggle to set aside the cash to benefit from it.

“We also welcome enhancements to ComCare and caregiving grants, but caregiving remains a major financial strain, especially for women.” said Sugidha Nithiananthan, the Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE.

“More sustained support is needed to ensure that unpaid caregiving and low-wage work don’t leave families struggling. We hope to see further steps towards a more secure, inclusive future for all.”

Increased Support for Seniors, Yet Not So Accessible

This year’s Budget introduces key improvements for Singapore’s ageing population, set to take effect in July 2026 with interim enhancements from July 2025.

Support for Lower-Income Seniors’ Healthcare Savings:

  • Lower-income seniors aged 55 to 70 can get a boost to their MediSave.
  • For every dollar they contribute, the government will add another dollar.
  • This matching is capped at $1,000 per year.
  • The scheme will run for five years.
  • To qualify, seniors need to meet certain criteria, including an income limit of $4,000 or less per month and limited property ownership. Their MediSave balance also needs to be below a certain level.

Increased Long-Term Care Subsidies:

  • The government is increasing subsidies to help with the costs of long-term care for frail and ill seniors.
  • For Singaporeans born in 1969 or earlier:
    • Subsidies for staying in residential long-term care facilities will go up by as much as 20%.
    • Subsidies for receiving care at home or in the community will increase by up to 25%.
  • For Singaporeans born after 1969:
    • Subsidies for residential long-term care will increase by up to 15%.
    • Subsidies for home and community care will increase by up to 10%.

After these increases, eligible Singaporeans can receive:

  • For those born in 1969 or earlier:
    • Subsidies of 15% – 80% for residential long-term care facilities.
    • Subsidies of 35% – 95% for home and community care.
  • For those born after 1969:
    • Subsidies of 10% – 75% for residential long-term care facilities.
    • Subsidies of 20% – 80% for home and community care.

This new MediSave matching scheme works alongside the existing Matched Retirement Savings Scheme, which helps people build their retirement funds. This scheme now has a higher matching cap and is open to those aged 55 and older.

AWARE has long advocated for better support for seniors and their caregivers and is pleased to see these developments. However, low-income families may struggle to set aside the cash to fully benefit from the Matched MediSave Scheme.

Promising Increase to ComCare

Enhancing ComCare is a step in the right direction; AWARE has consistently called for improvements to ComCare—including higher payouts and longer durations of assistance—to provide more stable relief to low-income households.

Changes to the ComCare Long-term Assistance Rates:

Household Size Current Rates Increased Rates
(From April 2025)
1 person $640 $760
2 persons $1,080 $1,250
3 persons $1,510 $1,760
4 persons $1,930 $2,230

The increases will need to not only outpace inflation but also ensure that all households meet living wage standards.

Marginal Subsidies to Cost of Raising Children

The lowered preschool fee caps—to $640 a month for anchor operators and $680 for partner operators—and the new Large Families Scheme—which gives parents $5,000 for each third and subsequent Singaporean child—will help make having children more accessible and affordable. We hope that the much higher cost of living can be more adequately addressed, as it remains a barrier for low-income families.

We also hope that subsidies designed to help parents will include the non-citizen children of Singaporeans in the future. Excluding non-citizen children has a long-term impact on the Singaporean families to which they belong because the higher non-citizen school fees they have to pay impacts the overall cost to the family. For example, our research shows that parents of a primary-school Singaporean child pays $13 a month for public schooling, whereas a permanent resident child would be charged $293. Parents of foreign students are at a further disadvantage; those going to primary school would pay $559 (ASEAN) and $949 (non-ASEAN) monthly.

Small Enhancement to Caregiver Support

Caregiving remains a full-time commitment for many, especially women. The $200 increase in the Home Caregiving Grant (from $400 to $600), and the greater accessibility with the increase in maximum qualifying per capita household income to $4,800, are welcome steps in recognising caregivers’ financial strain.

However, these measures don’t meaningfully address the loss of income experienced when caregiving responsibilities compete with paid work. We urge further investment in sustained income support and re-employment pathways to ensure caregiving does not come at the expense of financial security.

This could come in the form of the government paying caregivers a universal basic income, or a more robust Caregiver Support Grant with cash and CPF components.

Singapore also needs to collect disaggregated data based on gender, age, ethnicity, and nationality, amid other characteristics, and develop policies that fully address our caregivers’ needs.

The Workplace Fairness Act must go further if we are to stamp out discrimination

This op-ed was originally published in The Straits Times on 16 January 2025.

Protection for workers has taken another major step forward in the new year. After months of hard work from the Government and its tripartite partners, stakeholders and various MPs, the new Workplace Fairness Act (WFA) was passed on Jan 8 in Parliament.

The WFA has five categories of protected characteristics: age; nationality; sex, marital status, pregnancy status, and caregiving responsibilities; race, religion, and language; and disability and mental health conditions.

An employer cannot discriminate against workers based on any of these characteristics when making employment decisions.

While Aware is happy to see this landmark anti-discrimination legislation finally passed, it does not go far enough to protect all workers. This is something many MPs also raised during the debate on the Bill which was tabled in November 2024.

The definitions of these protected characteristics leave out some groups of vulnerable workers. For example, the definition of “disability” does not include learning disabilities such as dyslexia or attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), or chronic medical conditions such as cancer or long Covid.

This contrasts with the functional approach of other jurisdictions. For example, “disability” is defined as a physical or mental impairment that substantially limits one or more major life activities under the Americans with Disabilities Act.

Protecting such vulnerable workers will not further burden employers because the law provides exceptions where the genuine requirements of the job require certain hiring decisions to be taken.

Another troubling exclusion arises from the definition of “sex” in the WFA, which explicitly excludes sexual orientation and gender identity. Minister for Manpower Tan See Leng assured Parliament: “Let me state clearly that we do not tolerate workplace discrimination, including towards LGBT individuals. We currently handle such cases under the TGFEP (Tripartite Guidelines on Fair Employment Practices) and will continue to do so.”

While this is comforting, the fact that the WFA expressly excludes sexual orientation and gender identity may send the wrong signal to society. According to a 2021 study, when people learn that the law tolerates discrimination against a certain group, it can foster more prejudicial attitudes. At the very least, it may indicate to society that the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) workers are not as important as the rights of workers protected under the WFA.

In a forum letter in November 2024, a Ministry of Manpower (MOM) representative explained that the protected characteristics covered almost all complaints reported to the Tripartite Alliance for Fair and Progressive Employment Practices (Tafep) from 2018 to 2022.

However, during this period, sex between consenting male adults was still a crime under section 377A of the Penal Code – it was repealed as at Jan 3, 2023 – and this fed a general lack of acceptance of LGBTQ people in society, too. Given that situation, it can easily explain why there were very few or no complaints by LGBTQ workers to Tafep during this period.

The reality on the ground reveals that discrimination against LGBTQ workers is prevalent. A recent study found that over half of 400 LGBTQ survey respondents had experienced some form of workplace discrimination and harassment. Yet, only about one in 10 reported their experiences to their companies, Tafep or MOM. Most chose not to do so because they feared retaliation, or believed that they would not receive support.

Several MPs raised this issue during the debate on the Bill and three referred to surveys on the prevalence of such discrimination, including the 2022 Aware-Milieu survey on workplace discrimination. MP Louis Ng also pointed out that there was likely to have been significant under-reporting of such cases.

Despite the Minister’s reassurance, it is worrying that the LGBTQ community has been singled out as the only group whose characteristics have been explicitly excluded from the WFA. The Minister’s unwillingness to accede to Mr Ng’s proposal to update the Tafep website to expressly include sexual orientation and gender identity as characteristics protected under the TGFEP adds to this concern. This sends a mixed signal about the status of LGBTQ people in society.

Troubling two-tiered approach

According to the Minister, workers who are not covered under the WFA will still be protected from workplace discrimination under the TGFEP, which prohibit all forms of workplace discrimination. This would purportedly include LGBTQ workers, workers with criminal records, physical and medical conditions and discrimination by association. The Minister also said that the guidelines will be updated to provide protection for platform workers and outsourced workers.

This begs the question: Why choose to legislate the WFA if the TGFEP is able to protect all workers? Clearly, the TGFEP and Tafep have been unable to provide sufficient protection to workers, necessitating the enactment of the WFA. It is cold comfort to those vulnerable groups not protected under the WFA to be told the protected characteristics in the WFA cover 95 per cent of all discrimination complaints reported to Tafep. Why stop at 95 per cent?

Ironically, in legislating against discrimination, the WFA paves the way for its own two-tier, discriminatory approach to workplace discrimination. On the one hand, some workers enjoy formal legal protection under the WFA. On the other hand, those who are not covered under the WFA may only make a complaint to Tafep, which has no power to compel an errant employer to compensate or reinstate the worker.

These workers would also not be protected from retaliation by their employers if they make a complaint to Tafep. Under the WFA, the protection from retaliation applies only to actions taken by workers under the Act, such as commencing an action against an employer. This issue was also raised in Parliament and the Minister acknowledged that workers not protected by the WFA will also not be protected against retaliation by their employers.

As a result, excluded groups, such as LGBTQ workers or those with chronic medical conditions, may well choose not to report their cases to Tafep for fear of retaliation. The under-reporting would then reinforce misplaced perceptions of low rates of discrimination faced by these groups and contribute to flawed assumptions about workplace discrimination.

Discrimination by association

Another gap in the Bill involves this scenario: a non-Chinese worker marries a Chinese person, and is then fired by their employer purely because the employer is against interracial relationships.

Is that discrimination against the worker on the basis of race? The answer, oddly, is no – under the WFA it is not discrimination to fire that worker on the basis that they married outside their race.

The WFA explicitly excludes discrimination based only on the protected characteristic of another person related to or associated with them. In this example, the non-Chinese worker would not be protected under the WFA as the dismissal is not because of their own race but the race of their spouse.

This exclusion is troubling, given that such attitudes are not uncommon. In 2021, a polytechnic lecturer was jailed for harassing an interracial couple with remarks like “such a disgrace, Indian man with a Chinese girl” and “you’re preying on Chinese girl”.

Some MPs questioned this exclusion. The Minister said it was difficult to draw the line on what constituted association.

Why not simply define association in the legislation? Hong Kong’s laws define an “associate” as a spouse, domestic partner, relative, carer or a person in a business, sporting or recreational relationship. At a minimum, the WFA could have adopted a narrower definition of “associate” that covers family members, which is a defined term in the Women’s Charter.

Narrow focus of the Act

The WFA has been drafted narrowly to prohibit direct discrimination only in relation to formal employment decisions, such as whether to hire a candidate or to promote or dismiss an employee.

However, discrimination can occur at the workplace in other ways, too. For example, a non-Chinese employee may be unable to perform their duties effectively because their colleagues prefer to communicate in Chinese during meetings. Under the WFA, this would not be discrimination unless it relates in some way to an employment decision.

Salary decisions are also not included in the definition of “employment decisions”, even though MOM’s Fair Employment Practices report shows that salary discrimination is the most prevalent form of unfair treatment at work (43.4 per cent of those who reported unfair treatment in 2023).

This is also a missed opportunity for the WFA to address the gender pay gap, an area of discrimination we should all be concerned about. According to MOM, the adjusted gender pay gap in 2023 between men and women was 6 per cent for the same job, in the same industry, at the same age and education level. That is unacceptable.

Where do we go from here?

The Minister’s assurances in Parliament that all forms of discrimination are not condoned and that workers can approach Tafep for help, whether under the WFA or the TGFEP, is important.

We are also pleased that Tafep will be tracking, analysing and sharing information on the complaints it receives and which it resolves under the WFA and TGFEP. But this data should be shared publicly to enable all stakeholders to contribute to the discussions. It would be good if its data includes cases where the complainant chose not to follow through.

It does make us wonder, though: Is Tafep sufficiently resourced and its officers trained to fulfil the promise of meaningful protection for all workers?  How will workers who raise complaints to Tafep be protected against retaliation from employers?

And when will the TGFEP be revised to include platform workers and other types of workers?

We’d like to see the TAFEP website updated to expressly include sexual orientation and gender identity as the characteristics protected under the TGFEP.

Businesses with fewer than 25 workers will be excluded until MOM reviews this point (which is expected to be five years after the legislation comes into effect) – but MOM does not need to wait till then for a review.  That is a long time for the 25 per cent of the workforce affected by this.

And when the WFA is reviewed, the relevant committee should include civil society organisations representing the different vulnerable groups. After all, the WFA is an important step in Singapore’s journey towards a more equal and inclusive society.

Sugidha Nithiananthan is AWARE’s Director of Advocacy and Research. Rayner Tan is assistant professor at the Saw Swee Hock School of Public Health at the National University of Singapore.

AWARE recommendations for 2025 National Budget: Diversity of Singaporean families and workers should be fully accounted for

The 2025 National Budget should reflect the growing diversity of the country as it turns 60 years old this year, says gender equality group AWARE. This sentiment is central to AWARE’s recommendations for National Budget 2025, which we submitted to the government on 12 Jan.

We underlined that our housing, education and healthcare policies do not account for the diversity of Singaporean families. Singaporean families with single parents or same-sex parents face restrictions in their ability to buy or rent HDB flats, as our housing policies do not recognise them as families. Low-income transnational families, that is, families with Singapore citizen(s) and one or more migrant family members, face cripplingly high costs of education and health. This is because migrants face a higher cost burden for these resources in comparison to Singaporeans.

Ultimately, Singaporean families with single or same-sex parents, or transnational families, are all Singaporean families, and they deserve equal access to housing, education and healthcare.

The diversity of workers is also not fully accounted for in the Workplace Fairness Act, which passed on 8 Jan. While it protects employees from discrimination on the basis of sex, marital status, pregnancy status, caregiving responsibilities and more, it excludes discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity, which is predominantly targeted at LGBTQ+ workers. It also excludes foreign domestic workers, migrant workers, gig workers and platform workers from protection under the Act. The WFA should be expanded to protect all workers.

Our recommendations also include our long standing calls for universal basic income or a Caregiver Support Grant to provide financial security to caregivers, who often have to move to part-time work or forego work entirely to fulfil their caregiving duties.

You can read our full list of recommendations below.

SG60: Building Our Singapore Together

  • To cultivate a cohesive national identity, inclusivity must be central to our progress. Our education system must integrate lessons on diverse family structures—such as those led by single parents or same-sex couples—to normalise differences and reduce stigma.
  • Housing policies must evolve to reflect the diversity of Singaporean families. We should not discriminate against unwed parents, who currently do not qualify as a family nucleus with their children for the purchase or rental of HDB flats. They are only entitled to purchase HDB flats as singles once they are 35 years old or above. Parents under 35 years of age or who cannot afford to buy and wish to apply for a rental flat can only appeal to HDB and have their applications considered on a case-by-case basis.
  • All children should have equal access to education and health. Low-income Singaporean families with a migrant spouse or migrant children suffer cripplingly high costs of education and health for non-Singaporeans, affecting their well-being on many levels.
  • Enabling decent livelihoods for all is key to a stable society. Workfare Income Supplements should be more easily accessible and recognise the critical need for a higher cash component, especially for low-income self-employed persons.
  • Singapore’s success as a harmonious home depends on addressing the various systemic barriers that prevent vulnerable groups from thriving, so as to create a more equal playing field for them.
  • Empathy underpins a compassionate society, and Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) is key to fostering it. Addressing consent, gender stereotypes, and gender-based violence equips youth with values for respectful relationships. It is also where we should start to address gender-based violence. A 2022 survey found 55% of respondents wanted sex education to include sexual consent, while 86% of parents identified it as the most crucial topic. We urge the government to adopt UNESCO’s International Technical Guidance to implement CSE in an age-appropriate manner.

Providing Opportunities for Skills Upgrading and Jobs for Workers

  • Addressing the gender wage gap and labour force participation disparity (LFPD) is paramount in fostering a fairer economy and social cohesion. Annual evaluations of these gaps and setting targets to reduce the unadjusted gap to below 10% and the adjusted gap to below 3% within a decade would result in more focussed and intentional interventions. Targets to reduce the LFPD between men and women to below 5% within 10 years should also be set and worked towards. These measures should align with recommendations in the White Paper to better protect women, including improving caregiver support and workplace protections.
  • The Workplace Fairness Act should be expanded to safeguard all workers – such as gig and migrant workers and platform workers – against all forms of discrimination. There should also be comprehensive legislative protection against harassment in the workplace, with requirements for grievance-handling mechanisms, protection against retaliation and the right to compensation for aggrieved workers. These measures will ensure Singapore’s working environment remains a place where everyone can thrive. To this end, the Tripartite Alliance for Fair and Progressive Employment Practices (TAFEP) should be well-resourced and trained to deal with all forms of discrimination and harassment that are raised to it, whether under the Tripartite Guidelines on Fair Employment Practices or the Workplace Fairness Act.

Supporting Singaporeans across Different Life Stages

  • A family-friendly nation is one built on policies that support parents at every stage of their journey. Expanding childcare options through licensing childminders and increasing night care services will address gaps in accessibility. Waiving late childcare pick-up fees for low-income families will ease financial pressures. This is especially so for unmarried and/or migrant parents with children, offering much-needed stability to underserved groups.
  • Caregivers play an invaluable role and are often unpaid and unrecognised. Flexible family care leave would ease the strain on working caregivers and the introduction of a universal basic income or Caregiver Support Grant, with cash and CPF components, together with contributions to retirement funds, would provide financial security to non-working caregivers. Enhanced collection of disaggregated data—including gender, age, ethnicity, and nationality—is crucial for developing nuanced policies that enable targeted interventions that can address the needs of care recipients and support caregivers in their care plan.
  • By embracing inclusivity, fostering empathy, and supporting vulnerable groups, Singapore can build a society where everyone is valued, thrives and contributes to a united and progressive nation.

Previous recommendations by AWARE for the National Budget can be found here: 2021, 2020, 2019, 2018, 2017, 2016, 2015, 2014.