Author: Comms Executive

Recap of AWARE’s 40th Annual General Meeting 2025

Seventy AWARE members, which includes 46 in-person and 24 online members, attended the 40th Annual General Meeting at AWARE. Photograph by Athiyah Azeem. 

Written by Lynn Li.

On 26 April 2025, AWARE held its 40th Annual General Meeting—its first hybrid AGM—chaired by President Aarathi Arumugam. Seventy members joined in person and online.

Ms. Arumugam noted 2025 as a milestone year, with Singapore turning 60 and AWARE turning 40, and introduced AWARE’s refined North Star: to be an expert, challenger, and force to empower change.

The afternoon also saw department representatives sharing updates from the past year. More details can be found in the Annual Report 2024.

The Advocacy and Research Department, represented by Sugidha Nithiananthan and Ruby Thiagarajan, continues to tackle structural gender inequality through research and collaboration. In 2024, they studied transnational families in collaboration with South Central Community Family Service Centre, partnered with Wild Rice on their play on coercive control, Dive, and reviewed technology-facilitated sexual violence (TFSV) cases seen by the Sexual Assault Care Centre. Their work contributed to significant wins, including stronger protections for platform workers, new Flexible Work Arrangement (FWA) guidelines, expanded paternity leave, and the creation of an Online Safety Commission to tackle online harms. The team will continue pushing for FWA legislation and gig worker protections in 2025.

The newly standalone Communications Department, represented by Athiyah Azeem, saw strong engagement on social media, with two posts reaching over 100,000 views. Their focus on validating survivors’ experiences, giving language to gender injustice, and galvanising younger audiences drove impact. In 2024, the team published multiple op-eds and forum letters, with one sparking a response from the Ministry of Manpower.

The CARE Department, comprising the Women’s Care Centre (WCC) and Sexual Assault Care Centre (SACC) was represented by Lydia Ariani and Caris Lim. They served 2,865 clients and responded to 4,926 contacts in 2024. Despite senior staff turnover, the team onboarded five new hires, and improved internal workflows. CARE maintained strong community ties through Community of Practice sessions and offering of case consultations to social service agencies working with survivors of sexual violence. The team also invested in supervision and team wellbeing to support resilience and cohesion during the transition.

The Operations Team, led by Yasmine Tan, enhanced internal systems while safeguarding staff wellbeing. Key achievements included launching a new staff reimbursement system, improving digital safety, increasing team capacity with outsourcing and developing three-year strategic roadmaps for people and technology. These efforts helped AWARE maintain its IPC status, meet most Tripartite Standards, and score 95% on the Charity Code of Governance. The department also initiated a cross-departmental working group to address workplace stress and burnout.

The Support, Partner and Act through Community Engagement (S.P.A.C.E) Department, represented by Shamima Rafi and Izzaty Ishak, focused on building community capacity to prevent gender-based violence through engagement, education, and empowerment. They engaged 96 participants from 17 organisations for their International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (IDEVAW) event and ran workshops and events with students, journalists, and community partners throughout the year. S.P.A.C.E also ran bystander and consent workshops, and extended outreach to marginalised youth in residential homes. In 2025, they’ll launch nightlife safety workshops, host a IDEVAW conference and launch new workshops for boys in residential homes.

The Fundraising Team, represented by Isabella Tan and Bharathi Manogaran, achieved their $2.9 million target in 2024—including a record $1.1 million from the annual Ball and $260,000 through the “From Crisis to Change” campaign. Live auction proceeds went directly to support consent education and research on masculinity. The team is prioritising funding diversification, and plans for the 2025 Ball, The Mother of All Balls, are already underway.

Ms. Arumugam closed the meeting by thanking members for their ongoing support as AWARE prepares for its next chapter.

Lynn Li is the Fundraising Intern at AWARE.

Budget 2025: Provides safety nets, but we’re voting for trampolines

By Sugidha Nithiananthan and Adilah Rafey

Disclaimer: AWARE is a non-partisan civil society organisation. We do not endorse or support any political party or candidate. This analysis of Budget 2025 is part of our ongoing research and advocacy to promote gender equality and social inclusion in Singapore’s laws, policies, and institutions.

Why does AWARE talk about politics? 

As Singapore heads to the polls, it is more important than ever to examine how public policies shape the lives of different communities. At AWARE, we evaluate policies through a feminist lens. That means asking how they impact women, caregivers, low-income families, and marginalised groups.

In the words of the rich tradition of feminists who came before us, “the personal is political”. What this means is that politics has tangible effects on the lived realities of various communities, and the fight for gender equality must engage in the political arena. This engagement through the years has resulted in so many of our proposals becoming policy, and many more gaining traction in parliament and appearing in the manifestos of various parties across the political spectrum.

Our role is not to take sides, but to push for bold, evidence-based change. This Budget analysis is part of our role in raising awareness during this election season. We hope to be your reliable source of non-partisan feminist analysis of Singapore’s current policies as they exist, our recommendations, and our evaluation of the alternative proposals in the space. Keep an eye out for our social media posts on parties’ manifestos and positions through a feminist lens!

Last year, AWARE critiqued the package of one-off cash vouchers announced in Budget 2024, stating that they were “merely a bandaid and not a sustainable solution” to the cost of living crisis. Was 2025’s Budget more of the same? Did it outperform public pessimism on account of being an “Election Budget”?

BRIEF OBSERVATIONS

  • Just an election budget? More benefits for the middle class, with a lower emphasis on spending for low-income families compared to Budget 2024
  • Labour policies focused on incentivising employers’ compliance to the Progressive Wage Model, and increasing access to skills training for higher productivity
  • Testing the waters on some well-evidenced policies which have been previously dismissed, such as retrenchment benefits (Jobseeker Support Scheme), support towards home ownership for low-income families (ComLink+; Fresh Start Housing scheme), and higher cash transfers in the form of enhancements to COMCARE
  • Improvements to support for our ageing population, with increased access to support schemes for the middle class, increased financial support for long-term care; as well as policies benefiting older women who were homemakers / caregivers.

More for the middle 

Many have commented that this is an “Election Budget” and we certainly see why. A recent survey by Milieu Insight showed that Budget 2025 received more positive sentiments than its 2024 predecessors, while negative sentiments dropped slightly. This isn’t surprising – a large number of the benefits in this Budget are targeted at expanding access to existing policies for the large middle class. This applies across the board – such as an expansion of access to U-Save and Climate Vouchers, the expansion of the EASE programme to private dwellings, a reduction in property tax rates, and increased eligibility for long-term and home caregiving subsidies, amongst others. While the Budget has certainly been effective in achieving more positive reactions, more for the middle does not also mean more for the more disadvantaged.

Measures for low-income families

MSF has announced that it will increase ComCare payouts – the example given is an increase of $120 for a one-person household receiving Long-Term Assistance. This example is estimated to be a 20% higher disbursement. There’s little else that is provided about how much more spending will be allocated towards ComCare, most likely due to the case-by-case basis upon which ComCare is disbursed to families.

Additionally, the ComLink+ housing benefit allowing eligible families to buy new flats with shorter leases, which was previously only eligible to second-timers, is now expanded to first-time families as well. This mechanism, alongside the increased Fresh Start Housing Grant increase for second timers from $50k to $75k will definitely make owning one’s own house more accessible to many lower-income families.

However, given rising cost pressures, the peak of the GST increase, as well as worrying trends in wage security for the lowest earners, we are disappointed that the more inclusive approach in the 2024 Budget towards the bottom 20% of Singaporeans was not continued in this Budget. More can certainly be done, given that this demographic is most vulnerable to our cost-of-living crisis.

ComCare remains an opaque and stringent means-tested scheme which puts families under high amounts of scrutiny with no publicly available eligibility criteria – making the process highly dependent on officers in Social Service Offices, where it is disbursed. The enhanced amount of roughly $720 per month for a one-person household (the example provided by MSF in its Budget factsheet) is not even half of the living wage amount set by the Minimum Income Standards of $1,492 per month for a single elderly person – a common single-household demographic which ComCare hopes to serve.

It is critical to provide support that actually enables families to achieve positive outcomes and escape poverty. We recommend that disbursement amounts should be derived at by reference to evidence-based benchmarks and should be provided for a length of time that is sufficient to achieve these outcomes. Good benchmarks to follow would include Minimum Income Standards and the amounts provided by AWWA in its recent randomised UCT trials as part of the Family Empowerment Programme.

Opacity of ComCare’s eligibility criteria continues to be a barrier to access for many families. Public disclosure of its criteria, such as income thresholds, housing status and other socio-economic indicators, can further empower families to self-assess their eligibility and better prepare their applications for ComCare. This will also enable other stakeholders to assess the efficacy of these criteria on the ground.

While enhancements to ComLink+ and the increased provision of the Fresh Start Housing Grant are certainly a step in the right direction, vulnerable families taking realistic steps toward home ownership require much more support – even if the immediate benefits of higher financial aid are not apparent. The positive effects of supporting families working towards their housing aspirations are far-reaching and go beyond individual families, “spilling into” the rest of society. This is apparent from AWARE’s report “Why Stable Housing Matters”. It shows that sustained and sufficient financial support, and even the free provision of housing to particularly vulnerable groups such as single parent families, unwed mothers and victim-survivors of family violence, produces outcomes that far exceed the expenditure of such programmes.

Therefore, we reiterate our call to implement housing programmes to provide unwed mothers and family violence survivors who have no place to go with free stable housing or interim housing for at least 2 years, alongside support services. We also reiterate our recommendations that the income cap for rental housing should be increased and set on a per-capita basis, and eligibility should be expanded to cover non-nuclear family structures. Everyone should have a right to safe and affordable housing even when they do not fall within nuclear family structures, and should not suffer from the “benefit cliff” of being unable to afford to buy their own flat and yet being over the cut-off point to qualify for rental housing.

Labour and Workers

This year’s budget disbursements in the area of labour are overwhelmingly aimed at incentivising employers to comply with previously established policies, as well as a large effort at making skills training more accessible and widely adopted.

The Progressive Wage Credits Scheme provides financial support to firms for wage increases as a result of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) through a co-funding scheme. While this certainly will increase compliance with the PWM, it is not an additional form of income support  for workers themselves. With the ever-rising cost of living, the time has come for Singapore, as an advanced economy, to adopt a living wage standard which allows workers to live with dignity. Singapore has sufficient resources to meet minimum wage standards, as opposed to relying fully on PWM, which does not address the continued existence of a reliable pool of low-salary foreign workers that companies continue to have access to without very few market controls.

AWARE does commend the additional training allowance of up to $3,000 per worker for selected full-time courses under the SkillsFuture Level-Up Scheme as well as the enhanced tier of support under the Workfare Skills Support. All workers, regardless of their income level or career should be supported to access training and upskilling.

We are also highly encouraged by the newly announced Jobseeker Support Scheme (JSS), which will provide newly-retrenched workers with financial support of up to $6,000 over 6 months while undergoing training or searching for jobs. This is a step in the right direction – it is similar in design and principle to retrenchment insurance, which most workers in advanced social democracies around the world have a right to. While the amount of financial support, the proposed structure of payouts and the length of assistance would certainly be more helpful if they were more generous, we believe that this scheme has the potential to provide much needed support for many vulnerable workers and their families when they face unavoidable retrenchment. Evidence from other countries has shown that retrenchment and unemployment benefits can provide a social safety net that ensures vulnerable communities are able to have the option to look for better work. We await reviews of and enhancements to the JSS, which could potentially expand beyond retrenchment and into the field of general unemployment.

Support for Seniors

This year’s budget pushes strongly towards enhanced financial support for seniors and their caregivers. This includes the expansion of EASE to seniors in private properties, the 5-year Matched Medisave Scheme, increases in long-term care subsidies in both residential homes and community care, and enhancements to the Home Caregiving Grant. These numerous schemes and improvements efficiently tackle the challenges of ageing for all groups in our society, regardless of income.

We commend these efforts, which aim to provide much needed support especially to caregivers, who do much of the highly gendered and unpaid work of caring for the elderly. We need to reiterate however the need for caregivers to be paid a living wage as they perform these highly critical services for society. This can be based, for example, on the Minimum Income Standard. Alternatively, we have long-proposed a Caregiver Support Grant that has both a cash and a CPF component (without the need for self-contribution), with the amount linked to the salaries of those providing the kind of care work involved. Payment levels can also be linked to the number of Activities of Daily Living (ADL) which each caregiver assists with, to recognise that caregivers need to invest greater resources into caring for care recipients who need help with more ADLs.

We particularly commend the Matched Medisave Scheme, which compliments the Matched Retirement Savings Scheme (MRSS). PM Wong rightfully stated that these schemes will be especially beneficial for “lower-income seniors, especially our grandmothers, mothers and aunts who were homemakers and caregivers”. This goes some way to address our 2024 recommendation to make the MRSS accessible to “caregivers who have had to take a step back from their careers before 55 years of age to fulfil caregiving duties”. However, we continue to echo our calls for more support for this group of people, who will still have much lower savings in their Medisave, Ordinary and Retirement Savings Accounts. Thus we recommend that this demographic should receive government top-ups as grants, rather than as matched top-ups.

Our Budget 2025 Wrap-up – Let’s build trampolines, not safety nets

Singapore’s Budget 2025 demonstrates a clear shift toward more structured, evidence-based welfare policies, moving beyond one-off cash handouts to sustained support for seniors, caregivers, those who were retrenched, and low-income families. While these measures are welcome, more targeted interventions that directly address cost-of-living pressures and broader structures  — backed by disaggregated data — are needed to ensure equitable outcomes. It’s time for us to invest in building “trampolines” rather than safety nets, so that more people can bounce back from crises.

Broader gaps remain, particularly in gender-responsive budgeting and the lack of disaggregated data to provide better evidence for policy proposals. As Singapore progresses, embedding these principles into our governance and policies will be crucial to foster a more inclusive and resilient society for all.

OUR WISHLIST FOR NEXT YEAR

  • More ambitious structural policy interventions to address and reverse the effects of the cost-of-living crisis – such as improvements to wages and more maternity benefits for pregnant women.
  • More support for childcare – such as increased support for access to infant care, parental care, and further experiments into models which provide a living wage for non-working caregivers of children.
  • Disaggregated data about our population should be collected and made more accessible to evaluate the effects of Budget on communities
  • Gender-responsive budgeting should be implemented, especially given the increasing need to focus on care
  • Social support that acts as more of a trampoline than a social safety net – going above and beyond the bare minimum and working towards support that allows people to make dignified and autonomous decisions.

Sugidha Nithiananthan is the Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE. Adilah Rafey is a Research Executive at AWARE.

What the Chia controversy reveals about us all

This op-ed was originally published in Jom Media on 2 April 2025.

Over the past week, a LinkedIn post by lawyer Chia Boon Teck—commenting on a sexual assault case—has become a flashpoint for public reaction. In his post, Chia highlighted the complainant’s use of a dating app, her job and her choices on the night of the incident. The fact that someone who had risen to a leadership position in his profession felt it acceptable to post such views so publicly was extraordinary. So was the overwhelming response it provoked.

This has become an unprecedented case study in public attitudes towards sexual violence. Some readers agreed with his framing, interpreting the survivor’s choices—her profession, her use of a dating app, and her decision to enter a man’s bedroom to continue their work—as evidence of consent. This, despite the fact that she had said, “No” to him, and spent 13 days giving testimony under cross-examination in Court, which was found by the court to be “unusually convincing.”

Others responded with indignation and strong disapproval, recognising the ways these narratives mirror long-standing rape myths.

For many survivors, the Chia post may have been re-traumatising, triggering the fears they often grapple with when deciding whether to report: that the process will prolong their pain, delay closure, and that even if the courts find them credible, they may still face judgment in the court of public opinion.

Reporting sexual assault takes immense courage. It is often driven by a desire for justice—and the hope that speaking up might protect someone else. Survivors deserve support, not scrutiny.

This polarisation of values has been building for some time—an early milestone was #MeToo, which empowered more survivors to speak up, knowing that there were other survivors who were willing to speak up. The internet has made it possible for survivors to more easily find solidarity, and has empowered them with the appropriate language to call out injustice.

But it has also given rise to spaces where misogyny thrives, sometimes repackaged as pragmatism or masculine wisdom, and even legal insight. Rape myths, victim blaming, and doubt toward women’s credibility are now dressed in new language, but the core ideas remain chillingly familiar.

Chia’s post captured this perfectly. It expressed deep scepticism—grounded not in the relevant facts of the case, but in the complainant’s dating choices and her job. These were not legal arguments. They were cultural ones. And by framing them as legal insight, the Chia post reinforced a dangerous message: that women who do not conform to traditional ideals of femininity are less believable. That if you go to a man’s house, you are responsible for what happens next. These ideas aren’t just wrong—they are harmful.

What followed matters. This is how norms shift, not always through policies or penalties, but through collective discomfort. The strong public response—lawyer Stefanie Thio’s critique, AWARE’s statement, and countless comments online—was a moment of collective reflection. It showed that we are capable of recognising when something is wrong and responding—publicly, constructively, and with clarity. The result: Chia took the post down and resigned from his position as vice president of the Law Society.

Importantly, many men, including K Shanmugam, the minister for law and home affairs, spoke out against the post. Their intervention showed that rejecting misogyny isn’t a “women’s issue”—it’s a professional, ethical, and human one.

And yet, the work ahead is uphill. This is not an isolated incident. It is part of a broader global pattern, in which misogynistic worldviews are being mainstreamed through digital spaces. The rise of influencers like Andrew Tate, the growing reach of the manosphere, and the increasing pushback against women’s progress all point to a cultural shift that we can no longer ignore.

Many men today are grappling with rapid economic change, job insecurity, and a sense of lost identity in a world that no longer guarantees them the same pathways to status or stability. In that vacuum, some turn to influencers who offer a clear—if distorted—narrative: that feminism and women are to blame, and that reclaiming power means rejecting equality.

But this changing world doesn’t strip men of responsibility. Understanding the challenges men are facing now does not mean excusing the harm. Each man still makes a choice: to lean into empathy, or to retreat into resentment. Misogyny is not inevitable. It is a choice.

The Netflix series “Adolescence”, which explores the toxic impact of social media and misogynistic influencers on teenage boys, was recently referenced by Keir Starmer, British prime minister, in Parliament as part of a broader call to address online misogyny.

In Australia, education authorities are developing training to support teachers, especially female teachers, dealing with harassment from students repeating “manosphere” rhetoric. In Singapore, AWARE has received anecdotal accounts of young boys being influenced by Tate and engaging in collective bullying of young female teachers.

We hope that this important cultural moment carries the following messages to different readers.

To survivors: we know this moment was painful. To see your credibility questioned publicly again—based not on evidence, but on assumptions about behaviour—can reopen wounds. But the fact that so many pushed back, and so vocally, is a reminder that you are not alone.

To bystanders: your role matters. About 20 percent of calls to AWARE’s Sexual Assault Care Centre come from friends or people supporting survivors. This moment showed that speaking up makes a difference—not just for the individual case, but for broader norms.

To men: if you’ve felt uneasy reading comments like Chia’s, or seen them echoed in your circles, that discomfort is telling. If you recognise the harm, do something. You don’t always need to speak up loudly. Even small actions—refusing to laugh, not nodding along, walking away—send a signal.

To parents, not just of boys, but of all children: this is the time to pay attention. Ask what your kids are watching, who they follow online, what messages they’re absorbing about gender, power, and respect. These aren’t small questions. They shape worldviews.

If there’s anything to take away from this moment, it’s that we are not where we were 10 years ago. The old rules didn’t hold. People responded—and that matters. Misogyny thrives in silence. So let’s keep speaking.

Corinna Lim is the Executive Director of AWARE.

Photograph by Ehimetalor Akhere Unuabona on Unsplash.

Why even well-meaning men fall for rape myths

Photograph by Muhamad Iqbal Akbar on Unsplash.

This op-ed was originally published in The Straits Times on 29 March 2025.

The conversation started with “There’s always two sides to a coin”, and “Of course there’s still no excuse for a man, even if a woman is standing there stark naked, acting drunk and not wanting to cover up”.

Like everyone in Singapore this week, it seems, I was having a chat with some friends about Mr Chia Boon Teck’s blatant victim-blaming. Mr Chia, who has stepped down as Law Society vice-president, had questioned a rape victim’s actions and cited her occupation as an actress-model in his now-deleted LinkedIn post. It sounded like JT (not his real name) and I were broadly on the same page.

But then the conversation took a different turn. JT felt that “in some situations, women have a part to play which they will refuse to acknowledge”. His examples were “people who dress and act provocatively”. He agreed that this did not mean they asked to be raped, but he felt this “predisposes” them to being raped.

I was perplexed. He seemed to agree that that was no excuse for a man to rape a woman, yet he still felt she had a “part to play” in her rape. Anecdotal evidence of other conversations in Singapore this week indicated he is not alone.

I asked JT how it predisposed the woman to being raped. “Are they required to dress in a certain way so that a man doesn’t get the wrong assumption that she wants sex? I mean whatever she wore, if she says ‘no’ and he forces her to have sex, that’s rape, plain and simple. Whatever she wore… Do women bear responsibility for the possibility that a man may get an idea she’s ‘easy’ because of her dressing and behaviour?”

JT is a very smart, educated, accomplished man with strong virtues. I like him. We spar on occasion but it’s a discourse, not an argument.

I pursued my line of enquiry: “It’s OK to change your mind. It’s OK to decide ‘actually I’m not feeling it with him – I want to stop’. Are we saying that’s not OK?… Because rape is simply that: Did she consent or not?”

‘But why test the waters?’

He agreed that a woman was entitled to change her mind, but he said that “men can be evil, and (use her) actions as an excuse to (interpret it as) a ‘yes’, especially when they think they can get away with it. I feel that a sensible woman shouldn’t test the waters like that, even if she won’t be punished legally for it.”

I was beginning to understand why he saw women as bearing responsibility. I tried a different approach: “I get that we would want to be careful so as not to get robbed, or into an accident or raped. But we shouldn’t frame it in our minds as women being predisposed to it or playing a part because that carries the implied view that they are to blame in some way… If a man doesn’t respect her ‘no’ and rapes her, it’s all on him.”

JT agreed readily that it was legally rape if there was no consent, yet he felt the woman was only blameless “in the eyes of the law”. He was still holding on to some vestigial blame. Using the analogy of a robber breaking into a house that the owner left unlocked, JT said that “relying solely on the law to prevent rape has its limitations. Just like policing the estate cannot prevent all break-ins”.

We were getting somewhere now – I now understood that in his view, women needed to do their part to be safe and not expect rape laws to protect them from being raped. That was the nub of his “blame” on women.

I realised I had to show how thoughts like these translate into rape myths and victim-blaming: “Yes, but when there are break-ins, the fault is on the robber. The problems relating to victim-blaming stem from these rape myths, which are untrue beliefs that lay blame for the rape on women. Untrue beliefs. Like a woman is asking for it when she dresses sexily and flirts in a bar.

“The issue of whether that woman is considered of low moral values is a moral judgment an individual chooses to make based on their own set of values. But whatever the view of the morality of the woman, are you saying she does not have the right to say ‘no’ to sex after all that? Just simply that: Does she have a right to say ‘no’?”

It was a breakthrough moment. “Agreed. Of course she has the right to say ‘no’,” said JT, but something still nagged his mind: “Practically speaking, won’t you advise the house owner to lock his doors?” This housebreaking analogy was really being worn thin!

But I saw where the gap between us lay and made an attempt to bridge it: “I get the point that she shouldn’t have made things worse by ‘leading him on’ or flirting so outrageously with him. He got turned on. He expected this was going to lead to sex.

“Then she got totally drunk and now cannot agree to sex. Or now she suddenly changes her mind and decides she wants to go home. Every which way you look at it, she cannot consent (if drunk) or she actually said ‘no’. ‘No’ just means ‘no’. She doesn’t want sex. If a man then forces himself on her, in what blessed way is that OK? He can be angry with her… but can he force sex on her? That’s wrong. Morally and legally.”

Why myths are a problem

I placed these rape myths in context: “The reason why these rape myths are a big issue with rape, and why there is all this pushback against rape myths, is that … (police) were using that to start assuming the woman consented to sex – because she dressed sexy, because she flirted, etc. They gave victims a hard time during interrogation…. And defence lawyers used rape myths like this to try to persuade a judge that ‘look, she went on a Tinder date, she dressed like this, she flirted with him – obviously she consented to sex’. And judges (who believed in) rape myths allowed such questioning and would sometimes agree that she must have consented simply because of such things. The rape myths had these far-reaching consequences. When actually the issue is, was there consent? (You) cannot assume that just because a woman dressed sexy, she wanted sex. You cannot assume that just because a woman flirted like that, she wanted sex. You have to establish consent or lack of consent.”

It seemed only right to bring it home with a housebreaking analogy: “When a house owner is careless and gets robbed, nobody vilifies or rakes him over the coals in the police station or at trial for leaving his door unlocked. The focus is clearly on the blameworthy criminal, not the house owner. Rape victims are not treated in the same way. That’s why victim-blaming is so wrong for rape victims.”

The penny dropped. JT replied: “I see your point. If the police give (rape victims) less respect than they should, and the defence lawyer tries to twist his way into (arguing that the accused is innocent), then the law has to be stated that way, and that attitude done away with.” Eureka!

I ended our exchange with another housebreaking analogy – after all, it had served me well: “The goods in the house did not belong to the robber. He had no right to take them. The woman’s body did not belong to the man. He had no right to use it for his pleasure.” And with that, JT and I were on the same page, and still friends.

Another friend, PL (also not his real name), interjected with a real-life example: “(Just) wanted to share this; the house down the street from us got burgled last year and my next-door neighbour said they were asking for it because they spent a small fortune renovating the house a few months earlier!” You can’t pay good money for a better or more well-timed example of ludicrous victim-blaming to drive the message home!

The pushback against victim-blaming does not mean that women should not take steps to safeguard their safety. That is just common-sense practice. But regardless of whether she did or did not do so, a survivor of rape does not bear any blame for her rape. Victim-blaming arises from rape myths, and rape myths are a result of misogyny and sexism. There is no place for such attitudes in Singapore.

And the justice system should focus on the perpetrator. That is why the Chief Justice has put in a new framework to ensure survivors of sexual assaults like rape are cross-examined in a way that elicits evidence that is relevant to the case, and that rape myths are not perpetuated in the courtrooms.

The law is changing. As a society, we need to change too. I learnt from my conversation with JT the value of open conversations like this: We must engage, learn and change harmful attitudes.

The trauma inflicted on survivors of rape is severe. It does not require bruises and battery to inflict harm. The psychological and emotional harm caused to survivors from having their bodies used by someone else – without their consent – is often worse than the physical harm. Survivors need help, empathy and understanding from the people around them and whom they turn to for help.

Let’s banish one more rape myth: According to the Ministry of Home Affairs (based on data on reported cases of serious sexual crimes from 2014 to 2018), the incidence of false reporting in Singapore was only 4 per cent. In almost every case, survivors are telling the truth. It’s time we listened.

Sugidha Nithiananthan is the Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE.

AWARE’s Response to the Public Consultation on Enhancing Online Safety

If you encounter a post online that sexually violates you, the difference between taking the post down within hours, versus taking a week, means everything.

In a space where people can rapidly share, download and repost sexually abusive content, survivors deserve fast action to immediately address these online harms without delay. AWARE has long advocated for an agency that can order quick takedown of offending material without involving lengthy court proceedings.

AWARE is thus encouraged by the Ministry of Law’s and Ministry of Digital Development and Information’s proposal to set up a government agency dedicated to supporting victims of online harms, with powers to help them get timely assistance.

The ministries sent out a public consultation on some aspects of their proposed legislation, and AWARE submitted its response to them on 20 December, 2024. We recommended that the agency and the commissioner should be offices independent from the government. We also made the following recommendations.

Remedial Actions and Support for Survivors

We are pleased to note that the agency will deal with intimate image abuse, online harassment and child abuse material, among other categories of online harms. We recommended that the definition of intimate image abuse be expanded to include sextortion and non-consensual communication of sexual images.

We also recommended that there be a time frame within which the order for takedown of offending material by the agency should be complied with (preferably 24 hours), together with a temporary takedown order upon receipt of a complaint by the agency, while it investigates the matter.

Deterrence can be key to preventing technology-facilitated sexual violence (TFSV). We applaud the proposal to make online harms, such as intimate image abuse, child abuse material and online harassment, statutory torts and to empower the agency to disclose the identity of perpetrators to survivors. This will enable survivors to know the identity of the perpetrators and seek redress against them, such as damages (which are usually monetary compensation). We recommended the expansion of the list of online harms designated statutory torts to include “misuse of personal information” (which is defined as an online harm but was not included as a statutory tort).

We also suggested the inclusion of an alternative form of dispute resolution such as an apology law, available in jurisdictions such as the USA, Canada and Hong Kong, where offenders are encouraged to make a statement of remorse to survivors without risk of it being used against them in court.

We also recommended that agency officials who will be dealing with survivors should undergo training on trauma-informed approaches to adopt, and that support measures, such as counselling and a trauma-informed trained befriender, be provided by the agency to assist survivors.

Wide Ambit of Some Proposed Online Harms Could Lead to Potential Misuse or Abuse

We are concerned with the wide ambit of 2 types of proposed online harms: “online statements instigating disproportionate harm,” and “statements affecting reputation”:

(i) The proposed ambit of “online statements instigating disproportionate harm” is too broad and capable of misuse if the parameters of this online harm is not clear. We recommended that:

  • The types of “harm” to be covered should be clarified (for example physical, reputation, emotional, psychological)
  • The assessment of whether a harm is disproportionate and warrants action should be based on the level of seriousness of the harm, and not whether it is “unjustifiable harm.”

(ii) The online harm of “statements affecting reputation” concerns us because the proposed ambit is extremely wide and susceptible to being used to suppress the truth, erode freedom of speech and police opinions. It goes very far beyond the scope of the tort of defamation and extends to factually correct statements and also opinions that lower the estimation of a person.

We recommended that: This harm should only be restricted to false statements and should not extend to factually correct statements and opinions. The internet has been valuable in exposing abuses of power, and we recommended that spaces that allow for truth and for issues and matters of genuine concern to be raised, should be protected even as we ensure harms are eradicated.This harm should be combined with the proposed online harm of “false statements”.

Given that the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) already provides protection, it may be worth specifying that this legislation will not cover false statements that fall within POFMA.

Click here to read our full response to the public consultation.

Photograph by Taqqy RB on Unsplash.

Forum: Let’s stop blaming the victim for being raped

This forum letter was originally published in The Straits Times on 26 March 2025.

We were shocked by the then Law Society vice-president’s statements posted recently on social media, and then deleted, which perpetuated the most basic rape myths to imply that a survivor of rape consented to intercourse and was not raped (Concerns of sexual assault victims should not be minimised or dismissed: Shanmugam, March 24; and Singapore-based TikToker found guilty of raping woman he met on Tinder, March 21).

It is more appalling that Mr Chia Boon Teck defended himself by saying that he spoke as a criminal lawyer, when both Chief Justice Sundaresh Menon and Justice Vincent Hoong unequivocally stated last year in the High Court that the perpetuation of rape myths has no place in our justice system. Rape myths are untrue assumptions and beliefs about why rapes happen, focusing blame on the survivor.

But we want to focus on the impact of such statements. Survivors of rape and other sexual assaults often have a hard time recounting the details of their assault to anyone. This is because of the trauma experienced from the assault. In the past, when they found the courage to do so, they often faced:

  • suspicious police officers, who tended to believe the rape myths which blamed the women survivors for the assault;
  • defence lawyers who exploited rape myths to defend their clients; and
  • judges who allowed lines of questioning perpetuating rape myths.

We were therefore heartened by the judgments of Chief Justice Menon and Justice Hoong last year that set the record straight on what was relevant.

Views such as those expressed by Mr Chia stop many survivors from reporting sexual assaults. At AWARE’s Sexual Assault Care Centre, we hear from survivors who grapple with whether to file an official report, and seven out of 10 choose not to. The most common reason is the fear of disbelief.

Let us be clear:

  • Agreeing to go on a date via Tinder is not consent to sex.
  • Going to a man’s bedroom and sitting on his bed is not consent to sex.
  • Being a 30-year-old actress and model is not consent to sex.

The fact that there were multiple assaults does not imply that she must have consented to sex because it was a prolonged encounter. In fact, this accentuates the extent of the assault and trauma that she suffered. And, most importantly, “No” means “No”. How did the survivor’s “No” progress to “Yes” in the accused’s mind is the question to ask.

No woman should have to defend her character, clothing, profession or dating history when she has been sexually assaulted. Rape is a crime. Let’s stop blaming the victim for being raped.

Sugidha Nithiananthan is the Director of Advocacy and Research at AWARE.

Forum: Let foreign parents of Singaporean children automatically qualify as PRs

This forum letter was originally published in The Straits Times on 25 March 2025.

We refer to the article “Married without kids? It’s becoming a lot more common in Singapore these days”, on the total fertility rate (TFR) of Singapore for 2024 remaining at an all-time low of 0.97, the same as 2023.

There are many reasons why couples might not have children. Some do not want them; some would, given better financial circumstances or work-life balance; and some cannot due to fertility issues.

The Government has introduced many measures to help, such as reduced pre-school fees, childcare subsidies for non-working mothers, the doubling of paternity leave to four weeks, the new shared parental leave of 10 weeks, and subsidised rates for assisted reproduction technology treatments.

These benefits are helpful, but current trends suggest they do not go far enough to reverse the TFR trend.

Speaking at a citizenship ceremony on March 9, Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong said the low TFR necessitated bringing in “more people, more talent, more contributions”.

Given how immigration is positioned as a solution to the TFR’s steady decline, it is past time for us to reconsider our policies regarding the many Singaporean families with non-citizen family members.

In the last 10 years, more than a third of marriages each year were between a citizen and a non-citizen. These foreigners are closely linked to Singapore and have planted their roots here. In 2023, 23 per cent of all babies born had one citizen and one non-citizen parent. Despite this, many foreign parents of Singapore citizens are not given residency status.

These are Singaporean families. We recommend that foreign parents of Singaporean children automatically qualify as permanent residents (PRs) in Singapore. Being guaranteed their ability to stay here for the long term is critical to the well-being of their children and the stability of their whole family.

They are also the best candidates for successful integration. Not only have they contributed to increasing the number of citizen births in Singapore, but by putting down roots here the immigrants in these families have already demonstrated their commitment to calling Singapore home.

In 2023, 26.2 per cent of marriages were between a citizen and a non-resident. As transnational couples continue to make up a sizeable portion of all new marriages, more should be done to support them in making their lives in Singapore. Singapore should demonstrate its commitment to being Made For Families, even if one parent is not a citizen. The additional security may even encourage more people to have more children. This is a win-win for Singapore.

Ruby Thiagarajan is the senior researcher at AWARE.

Advocating for gender equality must not be seen as contentious

Includes photograph of Sim Ann by a photographer working with Ministry of Communications and Information, with a Creative Commons License CC BY-SA 4.0. Includes screenshot of a Straits Times article by Tham Yuen-C.

This forum letter was originally published in The Straits Times on 14 March 2025.

The recent remarks by PAP Women’s Wing chair Sim Ann reflect views that reinforce gender stereotypes (Singapore forges own path to women’s development, says PAP Women’s Wing chair Sim Ann, March 9). Take for example her view that “by allowing eligible young couples to apply for Housing Board flats, women learn to run their own households from young”. Her comments reflect outdated gender norms that reinforce caregiving and household responsibilities as the woman’s burden.

We are also troubled by her description of feminism as divisive and adversarial. Why is feminism – an idea rooted in equality – seen as divisive? Feminism does not seek to advance women at the expense of men. It calls for fairness, shared responsibilities, and equal opportunities for all genders. If we are advocating for equality, why is that seen as contentious?

Beyond this, the idea that a key role of the PAP Women’s Wing is to “plan community activities, welcome newcomers and interact with constituents” signals a troubling view in the apex women’s body of the PAP about the role of women’s leadership. Women’s advocacy in such an important sphere should not be reduced to social hosting – it should be about shaping policies, especially those that advance gender equity.

The Prime Minister has acknowledged that women should not be pigeon-holed into these stereotypical roles. During his National Day Rally speech in 2024, he said that women these days “have every opportunity to excel in their careers. It’s not possible for them to pursue their goals and still carry a heavier share of the caregiving and housework responsibilities. So fathers must play a bigger role”.

He noted that deeply ingrained beliefs about men as “breadwinners” and women as “caregivers” must evolve. We would expect the Women’s Wing to lead the efforts on this front.

So, it was therefore disappointing to see this public interview, given to mark International Women’s Day, reinforce outdated roles instead of pushing for progress.

The United Nations Committee on the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women reminded Singapore in May 2024 that a country like ours should be aiming for 50 per cent representation in leadership roles, not comparing itself to the global average.

It would have been encouraging to see the Women’s Wing champion this push for equality, rather than simply celebrating the current number of women MPs (29 per cent) while accepting that leadership is still seen as a male domain.

When asked whether women ministers can take over portfolios like finance and defence, the Women’s Wing chair missed the opportunity to speak of the equal ability of women to do such jobs.

Women have made up half of Singapore’s graduates since 2013, yet only 15 per cent of our Cabinet ministers are women. Instead, Ms Sim talked about societal attitudes and how women today need to pave the way for others. This is indeed the pace of “quiet advocacy”.

The low total fertility rate in Singapore and many developed countries is no coincidence. Many women delay or opt out of marriage and motherhood not because they don’t want families, but because gender roles remain rigid, workplaces are slow to adapt, and caregiving remains undervalued. This is a societal issue, not a women’s issue.

Yet, the Women’s Wing’s advocacy plans for this year are focused on getting people to date, marry and procreate.

It would have been far more encouraging for women in Singapore to see the Women’s Wing focus on equal opportunities for women in the workplace, overcoming the “motherhood penalty” women face and push for retirement adequacy for women who are still bearing the unequal burden of caregiving.

The White Paper on Women’s Development spoke of a clear vision for gender equality in Singapore, one where women and men share opportunities and responsibilities equally.

But vision alone is not enough, and we need more than just “quiet advocacy” – we need clear commitments, stronger policies, and determined pushes for cultural shifts that reflect the reality of modern life and the aspirations of Singaporeans, both women and men.

Corinna Lim is the Executive Director of AWARE.

Forum: Strengthening early childhood education may help protect at-risk children

This forum letter was originally published in The Straits Times on 6 March 2025.

The tragic case of four-year-old Megan Khung – fatally abused by her mother and her partner – exposes deep gaps in the systems meant to protect vulnerable children (Couple abused 4-year-old girl for more than a year, burned her body after she died, Feb 28).

While the perpetrators bear full responsibility for their heinous acts, this case raises urgent questions about the societal and systemic failures that allowed such prolonged abuse to go undetected and unprevented.

As a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Singapore has committed to upholding children’s fundamental rights, including their right to safety, education, and protection from abuse. This case underscores the need for stronger measures to fulfil these commitments.

One glaring concern is the apparent lack of intervention despite indications of abuse.

The article raises the question if neighbours, relatives or pre-school teachers noticed signs of distress but felt unequipped or hesitant to report it. Red flags and early warning signs being overlooked highlight the need for stronger community education on identifying and reporting abuse, as well as assurances that reports will be taken seriously.

This case also reflects broader societal issues – bystander apathy and the stigma surrounding family violence. Many fear interfering in “private matters”, yet silence enables abuse to persist.

Creating a culture of shared responsibility for child welfare is essential, so that everyone feels both supported and encouraged to take action when they have concerns about a child’s safety.

Currently, under Singapore’s Compulsory Education Act, all children must attend primary school, ensuring education for all with some level of state oversight of their well-being.

The expansion of affordable pre-school education in Singapore presents a valuable opportunity to strengthen child protection efforts. One critical step forward is making it mandatory for all pre-schools to introduce body safety, boundaries and abuse prevention education for children aged four to six. Teaching young children these concepts in an age-appropriate way empowers them to seek help when needed and fosters a culture where abuse is recognised and reported earlier.

As pre-school placements continue to increase, it may also be time to consider whether pre-school education should be made compulsory. A structured pre-school environment provides not only early learning benefits but also an additional layer of protection, where trained educators can observe and report signs of neglect or abuse.

Strengthening early childhood education in these ways would be a meaningful investment in safeguarding children and preventing harm.

Bharathi Manogaran is AWARE’s Deputy Executive Director.